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George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography

by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin

With  this  issue of the New Federalist, Vol. V, No. 39, we begin
to serialize the book, {George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography,}
by Webster Griffin Tarpley and Anton  Chaitkin.  This  book  will
soon be published by {Executive Intelligence Review}.

   At  the  heart  of  any  effort at biography is the attempt to
discover the essence of the subject as a human personality.   The
essential  character  of  the subject is what the biographer must
strive to capture, since this  is  the	indispensable  ingredient
that  will provide coherence to the entire story whose unity must
be provided by the course of a single human life.

   During the preparation of the  present  work,  there  was  one
historical  moment  which  more  than  any  other  delineated the
character of George Bush. The scene was  the  Nixon  White  House
during the  final  days  of  the  Watergate debacle.  White House
officials, including George Bush, had spent the morning  of  that
Monday,  August 5, 1974 absorbing the impact of Nixon's notorious
``smoking gun'' tape, the recorded conversation between Nixon and
his chief of staff, H.R. Haldemann, shortly  after  the  original
Watergate  break-in,  which  could now no longer be withheld from
the public.  In that exchange of June  23,  1972,  Nixon  ordered
that  the CIA stop the FBI from further investigating how various
sums of money found their way from Texas and Minnesota via Mexico
City to the coffers of the Committee to  Re-Elect  the	President
(CREEP)  and thence into the pockets of the ``Plumbers'' arrested
in the Democratic Party headquarters in the  Watergate	building.
These  revelations  were  widely  interpreted  as  establishing a
{prima facie} case of obstruction of justice against Nixon.  That
was  fine  with  George,  who  sincerely  wanted  his  patron and
benefactor Nixon to resign.  George's great concern was that  the
smoking gun tape called attention to a money-laundering mechanism
which  he,  together  with  Bill  Liedtke of Pennzoil, and Robert
Mosbacher, had helped to set up at Nixon's request.  When  Nixon,
in  the  ``smoking  gun''  tape,  talked about ``the Texans'' and
``some Texas people,'' Bush, Liedtke, and  Mosbacher  were  among
the most  prominent of those referred to.  The threat to George's
political ambitions was great.

   The White House that morning was  gripped  by  panic.    Nixon
would be  gone	before	the end of the week.  In the midst of the
furor, White House Congressional liaison William  Timmons  wanted
to  know  if  everyone who needed to be informed had been briefed
about the smoking gun transcript.  In  a  roomful  of  officials,
some  of whom were already sipping Scotch to steady their nerves,
Timmons asked Dean Burch,

``Dean, does Bush know about the transcript yet?''
   ``Yes,'' responded Burch.
   ``Well, what did he do?'' inquired Timmons.
   ``He broke out into assholes  and  shit  himself  to  death,''
replied Burch.
   In	this   exchange,   which  is  recorded	in  Woodward  and
Bernstein's {The Final Days,} we grasp the essential George Bush,
in a crisis, and for all seasons.


Introduction

   The thesis of this book is simple: if George Bush were  to  be
re-elected in November 1992 for a second term as the President of
the  United  States, this country and the rest of the world would
face a catastrophe of gigantic proportions.

   The necessity of writing this book became overwhelming in  the
minds  of the authors in the wake of the ghastly slaughter of the
Iraq war of January-February 1991. That war was an act of  savage
and  premeditated  genocide  on  the  part of Bush, undertaken in
connivance with a clique in London which has, in  its  historical
continuity,  represented  both	the  worst enemy of the long-term
interests  of  the  American  people,  and  the  most  implacable
adversary of the progress of the human species.

   The	authors  observed  George Bush as the Gulf crisis and the
war unfolded, and had no doubt that his enraged public	outbursts
constituted  real  psychotic  episodes,  indicative of a deranged
mental state that was full of ominous portent for humanity.   The
authors  were  also horrified by the degree to which their fellow
citizens willfully ignored the shocking reality of  these  public
fits.  A majority of the American people proved more than willing
to lend its support to a despicable enterprise of killing.

   By  their  role-call votes of January 12, 1991, the Senate and
the  House  of	Representatives  authorized  Bush's  planned  war
measures  to  restore  the  Emir  of  Kuwait,  who owns and holds
chattel slaves.  That vote was a crime against God's justice.

   This book is part of an attempt to help the American people to
survive this terrible crime, both for the sake of the  world  and
for their  own	sake.	 It  is  intended  as a contribution to a
process of education that might help to save the American  people
from the  awesome destruction of a second Bush presidency.  It is
further intended as a warning to all citizens that if  they  fail
to deny Bush a second term, they will deserve what they get after
1993.

   As  this book goes to press, public awareness of the long-term
depression of the American economy is rapidly growing.	 If  Bush
were re-elected, he would view himself as beyond the reach of the
American  electorate;  with  the  federal  deficit  rising over a
billion dollars a day, a second Bush administration would dictate
such crushing austerity as to bring the country to the	brink  of
civil war.  Some examples of this point are described in the last
chapter of this book.

   Our	goal has been to assemble as much of the truth about Bush
as possible within the	time  constraints  imposed  by	the  1992
election.   Time  and  resources have not permitted us meticulous
attention to certain matters of detail; we can say, nevertheless,
that both our commitment to the truth and our final  product  are
better	than  anything	anyone	else  has  been  able  to muster,
including  news  organizations	and  intelligence  agencies  with
capabilities that far surpass our own.

   Why do  we  fight  the Bush power cartel with a mere book?  We
have no illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in  our
work  by  the hope that a biography might stimulate opposition to
Bush and his policies.	It will  certainly  pose  a  new  set  of
problems for  those seeking to get Bush re-elected.  For although
Bush is now what journalists call a  world  leader,  no  accurate
account of his actual career exists in the public domain.

   The	volume	which  we  submit  to  the  court of world public
opinion is, to the best of our knowledge, the first  book-length,
unauthorized   biography   of	George	Bush.  It  is  the  first
approximation of the truth about his life.   This  is  the  first
biography worthy of the name, a fact that says a great deal about
the sinister  and  obsessive  secrecy of this personage.  None of
the other biographies (including Bush's  campaign  autobiography)
can  be  taken	seriously;  each  of these books is a pastiche of
lies, distortions and banalities that run the gamut from campaign
panegyric, to the Goebbels Big Lie, to fake but edifying  stories
for credulous  children.  Almost without exception, the available
Bush literature is worthless as a portrait of the subject.

   Bush's family pedigree establishes him as a network	asset  of
Brown  Brothers  Harriman,  one  of  the  most powerful political
forces in the United States during much of the twentieth century,
and for many years the largest private bank in	the  world.    It
suffices in this context to think of Averell Harriman negotiating
during	World  War  II	in  the  name  of  the United States with
Churchill and Stalin, or of the role of Brown  Brothers  Harriman
partner Robert Lovett in guiding John F.  Kennedy's choice of his
cabinet,  to  begin  to  see the implications of Senator Prescott
Bush's post as managing partner of this  bank.	  Brown  Brothers
Harriman networks  pervade  government and the mass media.  Again
and again in the course  of  the  following  pages  we	will  see
stories   embarrassing	 to   George  Bush  refused  publication,
documents  embarrassing  to  Bush  suspiciously  disappear,   and
witnesses  inculpatory	to  Bush  be  overtaken by mysterious and
conveniently timed deaths.  The few  relevant  facts  which  have
found  their  way  into  the  public domain have necessarily been
filtered by this gigantic  apparatus.	 This  problem	has  been
compounded   by   the	corruption   and  servility  of  authors,
journalists, news executives and publishers who  have  functioned
more  and  more  as  kept  advocates for a governmental regime of
which Bush has been a prominent part for a quarter-century.


The Red Studebaker Myth

   George Bush wants key aspects of his life  to  remain  covert.
At  the  same  time,  he  senses  that	his need for coverup is a
vulnerability.	The need to protect this weak flank accounts  for
the  steady  stream  of  fake  biographical  material  concerning
George, as well as the spin given to many studies that may  never
mention George	directly.   Over the past several months, we have
seen a new book about Watergate that pretends to tell the  public
something  new	by fingering Al Haig as Deep Throat, but ignoring
the central role of George Bush and his business partners in  the
Watergate affair.    We  have a new book by Lt. Col. Oliver North
which alleges that Reagan knew everything about  the  Iran-Contra
affair,  but  that  George  Bush was not part of North's chain of
command.  The latter point merely  paraphrases	Bush's	own  lame
excuse	that  he was ``out of the loop'' during all those illegal
transactions.  During the hearings on the  nomination  of  Robert
Gates  to  become  director  of  Central Intelligence, nobody had
anything new to add about the role of George Bush,  the  boss  of
the  National  Security  Council's Special Situation Group crisis
staff that was a command center for  the  whole  affair.    These
charades  are  peddled	to  a very credulous public by operatives
whose task goes beyond mere damage control to  mind  control--the
``MK'' in the government's MK-Ultra operation.

   Part  of  the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988
elections is reflected in the  fact  that  at  no  point  in  the
campaign  was  there  any  serious  effort  by	any  of  the news
organizations to provide the public with an accurate and complete
account of his political career.  At  least  two  biographies  of
Dukakis  appeared  which,  although  hardly  critical,	were  not
uniformly laudatory either.  But in the case  of  Bush,  all  the
public could turn to was Bush's old 1980 campaign biography and a
newer campaign autobiography, both of them a tissue of lies.

   Early  in the course of our research for the present volume it
became apparent that all books and most longer	articles  dealing
with  the  life  of  George Bush had been generated from a single
print-out of thoroughly approved ``facts''  about  Bush  and  his
family.   We  learned that during 1979-80, Bush aide Pete Roussel
attempted to recruit biographers to prepare a life of Bush  based
on  a  collection  of press releases, news summaries, and similar
pre-digested material.	 Most  biographical  writing  about  Bush
consists  merely  of  the  points  from this printout, strung out
chronologically  and  made   into   a	narrative   through   the
interpretation of comments, anecdotes, embellishments, or special
stylistic devices.

   The	canonical  Bush-approved  printout is readily identified.
One dead giveaway is the inevitability with which the  hacks  out
to  cover  up  the  substance  of Bush's life refer to a 1947 red
Studebaker which George Bush allegedly drove into  Odessa,  Texas
in  1948.  This  is  the sort of detail which has been introduced
into Bush's real life in a deliberate and  deceptive  attempt  to
humanize his  image.	It  has been our experience that any text
that features a reference to Bush's red Studebaker  has  probably
been derived from Bush's list of approved facts, and is therefore
practically worthless  for serious research into Bush's life.  We
therefore assign such texts to the ``red Studebaker  school''  of
coverup and falsification.

   Some examples?    This  is from Bush's campaign autobiography,
{Looking Forward,} ghost-written by his aide Vic Gold:	``Heading
into  Texas  in  my  Studebaker,  all  I  knew	about the state's
landscape was what I'd seen from the cockpit of a Vultee Vibrator
during my training days in the Navy.''s1
   Here is the same moment as recaptured by Bush's crony Fitzhugh
Green, a friend of the Malthusian financier Russell Train, in his
{George Bush: An Intimate Portrait,} published after Bush had won
the presidency:  ``He  (Bush)  gassed  up  his	1948  Studebaker,
arranged  for  his wife and son to follow, and headed for Odessa,
Texas.''s2

   Harry Hurt III wrote the  following	lines  in  a  1983  Texas
magazine  article  that was even decorated with a drawing of what
apparently is supposed to be a Studebaker,  but  which	does  not
look  like  a  Studebaker  of  that vintage at all: ``When George
Herbert Walker Bush drove his battered red Studebaker into Odessa
in the summer of 1948, the town's population,  though  constantly
increasing  with  newly-arrived  oil field hands, was still under
30,000.''s3

   We see that Harry Hurt has more  imagination  than  many  Bush
biographers,  and  his	article  does provide a few useful facts.
More degraded is the version offered by Richard Ben Kramer, whose
biography of Bush is expected to be published during 1992. Cramer
was given the unenviable task of breathing life  once  more  into
the same  tired  old  printout.   But the very fact that the Bush
team feels that it requires another biography indicates  that  it
still feels  that  it has a potential vulnerability here.  Cramer
has attempted to solve his problem  by	recasting  the	same  old
garbage  into  a  frenetic  and hyperkinetic, we would almost say
{hyperthyroid} style.  The following is from an excerpt  of  this
forthcoming  book  that  was published in {Esquire} in June 1991:
``In June, after the College World Series and graduation  day  in
New  Haven,  Poppy packed up his new red Studebaker (a graduation
gift from Pres), and started driving south.''s4

   Was that Studebaker	shiny  and  new,  or  old  and	battered?
Perhaps  the printout is not specific on this point; in any case,
as we see, our authorities diverge.

   Joe Hyams's 1991 romance of Bush at war, the  {Flight  of  the
Avenger,}s5  does  not	include the obligatory ``red Studebaker''
reference, but this is more than  compensated  for  by	the  most
elaborate  fawning  over other details of our hero's war service.
The publication of {Flight of the Avenger,} which concentrates on
an heroic  retelling  of  Bush's  war  record,	and  ignores  all
evidence  that	might  tend  to  puncture this myth, was timed to
coincide with Bush's war with Iraq. This is a vile tract  written
with  the  open  assistance  of Bush, Barbara Bush, and the White
House staff.  {Flight of the Avenger}  recalls	the  practice  of
totalitarian  states according to which a war waged by the regime
should be accompanied by propaganda which  depicts  the  regime's
strong man  in	a  martial posture.  In any case, this book deals
with Bush's life up to the end of World War II;  we  never  reach
Odessa.

   Only  one  of  the  full-length  accounts produced by the Bush
propaganda machine neglects the red Studebaker story.	 This  is
Nicholas King's {George Bush: A Biography,} the first book-length
version  of  Bush's  life, produced as a result of Pete Roussel's
efforts for the 1980 campaign.	  Nicholas  King  had  served  as
Bush's	spokesman  when  he  was  U.S.	Ambassador  to the United
Nations.  King admits in his preface that he can be impugned  for
writing   a  work  of  the  most  transparent  apologetics:  ``In
retrospect,'' he says , ``this book may seem open to  the  charge
of  puffery,  for  the	view  of  its  subject	is  favorable all
around.''s6 Indeed.

   Books about Barbara Bush slavishly rehearse the  same  details
from the  same	printout.   Here is the relevant excerpt from the
warmly admiring {Simply Barbara Bush:  A  Portrait  of	America's
Candid	First  Lady,}  written	by Donnie Radcliffe and published
after Bush's 1988 election victory: ``With $3,000 left over after
he graduated in June, 1948, he headed for Texas in the	1947  red
Studebaker his father had given him for graduation after George's
car died on the highway.''s7

   Even  foreign  journalists  attempting to inform their publics
about conditions in the United States have fallen victim  to  the
same old  Bush	printout.   The German author and reporter Rainer
Bonhorst,   the   former   Washington	correspondent	of    the
{Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung,} in his 1988 book {George Bush:
The  New  Man  in  the White House,} named a chapter of this Bush
political biography ``To Texas in the Red Studebaker.''  Bonhorst
writes	as  follows: ``Then there was still the matter of the red
Studebaker.   It  plays--right	after  the  world  war	effort--a
central  role  in  the	life  history  of  George Bush. It is the
history of his rebellion.  The step which made a  careless  Texan
out  of  a  stiff  New	Englander,  a  self-made  man  out  of	a
patrician's son, born into wealth....  Thus, George  and  Barbara
Bush,  24  and	23  years  old,  he having just finished with his
studies, she having prematurely withdrawn from her university and
become a mother a few months earlier, packed their baby and their
suitcases and loaded  them  into  their  glaring  red  Studebaker
coupe.

   ``A	supermodern, smart car, certainly somewhat loud for the
New England taste,' the Bushes later recalled.	 But  finally  it
departed towards Texas.''s8
   We  see  that  Bonhorst  is	acutely  aware	of  the  symbolic
importance assumed by the red Studebaker  in  these  hagiographic
accounts of Bush's life.

   What is finally the truth of the matter?  There is good reason
to  believe that George Bush did not first come to Odessa, Texas,
in a red Studebaker. One knowledgeable source is  the  well-known
Texas  oil  man  and  Bush  campaign  contributor  Oscar Wyatt of
Houston. In  a	recent	letter	to  the  {Texas  Monthly,}  Wyatt
specifies   that   ``when  people  speak  of  Mr.  Bush's  humble
beginnings in the oil industry, it should be noted that  he  rode
down to  Texas on Dresser's private aircraft.  He was accompanied
by his father, who at that time  was  one  of  the  directors  of
Dresser  Industries....  I  hate  it  when people make statements
about Mr. Bush's humble beginnings in the oil industry.  It  just
didn't	happen	that  way,''  writes  Mr.  Wyatt.s9 Dresser was a
Harriman company, and Bush got his start working for one  of  its
subsidiaries.	One  history  of  Dresser  Industries  contains a
photograph of George Bush with his parents, wife, and infant  son
``in front of a Dresser company airplane in West Texas.''s1s0 Can
this  be a photo of Bush's arrival in Odessa during the summer of
1948?  In  any	case,  this  most  cherished  myth  of	the  Bush
biographers is very much open to doubt.


The Roman Propaganda Machine

   Fawning biographies of bloodthirsty tyrants are nothing new in
world literature.    The  red  Studebaker school goes back a long
way; these writers of today  can  be  usefully	compared  with	a
certain  Gaius Velleius Paterculus, who lived in the Roman Empire
under the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and  who  was  thus  an
approximate contemporary of Jesus Christ. Velleius Paterculus was
an  historian  and  biographer who is known today, if at all, for
his  biographical  notes  on  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  which  are
contained within Paterculus's history of Rome.

   Paterculus,	writing  under	Tiberius,  gave  a very favorable
treatment of Julius Caesar, and became fulsome when  he  came  to
write  of  Augustus.  But  the worst excesses of flattery came in
Velleius Paterculus's treatment of Tiberius  himself.	 Here  is
part of what he writes about that tyrannical ruler:

   ``Of  the  transactions  of the last sixteen years, which have
passed in the view, and are fresh in the memory of all, who shall
presume to give a full account?  ... credit has been restored  to
mercantile  affairs,  sedition	has been banished from the forum,
corruption  from  the  Campus  Martius,  and  discord  from   the
senate-house;  justice,  equity and industry, which had long lain
buried in neglect, have been revived in the state; authority  has
been  given  to  the  magistrates,  majesty  to  the  senate, and
solemnity to the courts of  justice;  the  bloody  riots  in  the
theatre  have  been  suppressed,  and  all  men have had either a
desire excited in them, or a necessity imposed on them, of acting
with integrity.  Virtuous acts	are  honored,  wicked  deeds  are
punished.   The  humble  respects  the powerful, without dreading
him;  the  powerful  takes  precedence	of  the  humble   without
condemning him.    When  were  provisions more moderate in price?
When were the blessings of peace more abundant?  Augustan  peace,
diffused  over	all the regions of the east and the west, and all
that lies between the south and the north, preserves every corner
of the world  free  from  all  dread  of  predatory  molestation.
Fortuitous  losses,  not  only of individuals, but of cities, the
munificence of the prince is ready to relieve.	  The  cities  of
Asia have been repaired; the provinces have been secured from the
oppression of  their  governors.    Honor  promptly  rewards  the
deserving,  and  the  punishment  of  the  guilty,  if	slow,  is
certain.   Interest  gives  place  to  justice,  solicitation  to
merit.	For the best of princes teaches  his  countrymen  to  act
rightly  by  his  own  practice;  and while he is the greatest in
power, he is still greater in example.

   ``Having exhibited a general view  of  the  administration  of
Tiberius   Caesar,   let  us  now  enumerate  a  few  particulars
respecting it....  How formidable a war, excited  by  the  Gallic
chief Sacrovir and Julius Florius, did he suppress, and with such
amazing expedition and energy, that the Roman people learned that
they were conquerors, before they knew that they were at war, and
the news  of the victory outstripped the news of the danger!  The
African war too, perilous as it  was,  and  daily  increasing  in
strength,   was   quickly   terminated	under  his  auspices  and
direction....''s1s1

   All of this was written in praise of the regime that crucified
Jesus Christ, and one of the worst  genocidal  tyrannies  in  the
history of  the world.	Paterculus, we must sadly conclude, was a
sycophant of the Tiberius administration.  Some of his themes are
close parallels to the propaganda of today's Bush machine.

   In addition to  feeding  the  personality  cult  of	Tiberius,
Paterculus  also  lavished  praise  on Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the
Prefect of the Praetorian Guard and  for  many	years  Tiberius's
number one favorite, second in command, and likely successor.  In
many  respects	Sejanus  was not unlike James Baker III under the
Bush regime.  While Tiberius spent all of his time  in	seclusion
on  his  island  of Capri near Naples, Sejanus assumed day to day
control  of  the  vast	empire	and  its  100  million	subjects.
Paterculus  wrote  of  Sejanus	that  he  was  ``a most excellent
coadjutor in all the toils of government ... a	man  of  pleasing
gravity, and  of unaffected cheerfulness ...  assuming nothing to
himself.'' That was the voice of the  red  Studebaker  school  in
about  30  A.D.  Paterculus  should  have  limited his fawning to
Tiberius himself; somewhat later, the emperor, suspecting a  coup
plot,  condemned  Sejanus  and	had  him  torn	limb from limb in
gruesome retribution.

   But why bring up Rome?  Some readers may be scandalized by the
things that truth obliges us to record about a sitting	president
of  the  United  States.  Are  we  not disrespectful to this high
office?  No. One of the reasons for  glancing  back  at  Imperial
Rome  is  to remind ourselves that in times of moral and cultural
degradation like our own, rulers of  great  evil  have	inflicted
incalculable suffering	on  humanity.	In our modern time of war
and depression, this is once again the case.	If  Caligula  was
possible  then, who could claim that the America of the New World
Order should be exempt?  Let us therefore tarry for a moment with
these old Romans, because they can show us much about ourselves.

   In order to find Roman writers who tell us  anything  reliable
about  the  first dozen emperors, we must wait until the infamous
Julio-Claudian dynasty	of  Julius  Caesar,  Augustus,	Tiberius,
Caligula,  Claudius,  Nero, and the rest had entirely passed from
the scene, to be supplanted  by  new  ruling  houses.	 Tiberius
reigned  from  14 to 37 A.D.; Caligula, his designated successor,
from 37 to 41 A.D.; and Nero from 54 to 68  A.D.  But  the  first
accurate  account  of  the crimes of some of these emperors comes
from Publius Cornelius Tacitus in about 115-17 A.D., late in  the
reign of the emperor Trajan. It was feasible for Tacitus to write
and  publish  a  more  realistic  account  of  the Julio-Claudian
emperors  because  one	of  the  constant  themes   of	 Trajan's
propaganda  was  to  glorify  himself  as  an enlightened emperor
through comparison with the earlier series of bloody tyrants.

   Tacitus manages to convey how  the  destructiveness	of  these
emperors  in  their  personal  lives  correlated  with their mass
executions and their genocidal economic policies.    Tacitus  was
familiar  with	the  machinery of Roman Imperial power: he was of
senatorial rank, served as consul in Italy in 97  A.D.,  and  was
the  governor  of  the	important  province  of  western Anatolia
(today's Turkey) which the Romans referred  to	simply	as  Asia.
Tacitus  writes of Tiberius: ``... his criminal lusts shamed him.
Their uncontrollable activity was worthy of an	oriental  tyrant.
Free-born children  were  his  victims.    He  was  fascinated by
beauty, youthful innocence, and aristocratic birth.    New  names
for types  of  perversions were invented.  Slaves were charged to
locate and procure his requirements....  It was like the sack  of
a captured city.''

   Tiberius  was  able	to dominate the legislative branch of his
government, the senate,  by  subversion  and  terror:  ``It  was,
indeed,  a  horrible feature of this period that leading senators
became informers  even	on  trivial  matters--some  openly,  many
secretly.   Friends  and  relatives were as suspect as strangers,
old stories as damaging as  new.    In	the  Main  Square,  at	a
dinner-party,  a  remark  on  any subject might mean prosecution.
Everyone competed  for	priority  in  marking  down  the  victim.
Sometimes  this  was  self-defense,  but  mostly it was a sort of
contagion, like an epidemic....  I realize that many writers omit
numerous trials and condemnations, bored by repetition or  afraid
that  catalogues  they themselves have found over-long and dismal
may equally depress  their  readers.	But  numerous  unrecorded
incidents, which have come to my attention, ought to be known.

   ``... Even  women  were  in danger.	They could not be charged
with aiming at supreme power.  So they were charged with weeping:
one old lady was executed for lamenting her  son's  death.    The
senate decided	this case....  In the same year the high price of
corn nearly caused riots....

   ``Frenzied  with  bloodshed,  (Tiberius)   now   ordered   the
execution  of  all those arrested for complicity with Sejanus. It
was a massacre.  Without discrimination of sex or  age,  eminence
or   obscurity,  there	they  lay,  strewn  about--or  in  heaps.
Relatives and friends were forbidden to stand by or lament  them,
or even  gaze  for long.  Guards surrounded them, spying on their
sorrow, and escorted the rotting bodies  until,  dragged  to  the
Tiber,	they  floated  away  or grounded--with none to cremate or
touch them.  Terror had paralyzed human  sympathy.    The  rising
surge of brutality drove compassion away.''s1s2

   This  is  the  same	Tiberius  administration so extravagantly
praised by Velleius Paterculus.
   Because of lacunae in the manuscripts of Tacitus's  work  that
have  come  down  to  us,  much  of  what  we know of the rule of
Caligula (Gaius Caesar, in power from 37 to 41 A.D.) derives from
{The Lives of the Twelve Caesars,}  a  book  by  Gaius	Suetonius
Tranquillus. The character and administration of Caligula present
some striking parallels with the subject of the present book.

   As	a  stoic,  Caligula  was  a  great  admirer  of  his  own
``immovable rigor.'' His motto was ``Remember  that  I	have  the
right  to  do  anything  to  anybody.''  He made no secret of his
bloodthirsty vindictiveness.  Caligula was a  fan  of  the  green
team  in  the  Roman  arena,  and  when  the  crowd  applauded	a
charioteer who wore a different color, Caligula  cried	out,  ``I
wish  the  Roman  people  had  but a single neck.'' At one of his
state  dinners	Caligula  burst  into  a  fit  of  uncontrollable
laughter,  and	when  a  consul  asked	him what was so funny, he
replied that it was the thought that as emperor Caligula had  the
power to have the throats of the top officials cut at any time he
chose.	 Caligula  carried  this  same attitude into his personal
life: whenever he kissed or caressed the neck of his wife or  one
of his mistresses, he liked to remark: ``Off comes this beautiful
head whenever I give the word.''

   Above all,  Caligula  was  vindictive.    After his death, two
notebooks were found among  his  personal  papers,  one  labelled
``The  Sword''	and the other labelled ``The Dagger.'' These were
lists of the persons he had proscribed and liquidated,	and  were
the  forerunners  of the enemies lists and discrediting committee
of today.  Suetonius frankly calls Caligula  ``a  monster,''  and
speculates   on   the	pyschological	roots	of  his  criminal
disposition: ``I think I may attribute	to  mental  weakness  the
existence  of  two  exactly  opposite  faults in the same person,
extreme   assurance   and,   on   the	other	hand,	excessive
timorousness.''  Caligula  was	``full of threats'' against ``the
barbarians,'' but at the same time prone to precipitous  retreats
and flights  of  panic.  Caligula worked on his ``body language''
by ``practicing all kinds of terrible  and  fearsome  expressions
before a mirror.''

   Caligula  built an extension of his palace to connect with the
Temple of Castor and Pollux, and  often  went  there  to  exhibit
himself  as  an  object  of  public  worship, delighting in being
hailed as ``Jupiter Latiaris'' by the populace.   Later  Caligula
would officially  open	temples  in  his  own name.  Caligula was
brutal in his  intimidation  of  the  senate,  whose  members  he
subjected  to open humiliations and covert attacks; many senators
were ``secretly put to death.'' ``He often inveighed against  all
the Senators  alike....    He  treated the other orders with like
insolence and cruelty.'' Suetonius recites  whole  catalogues  of
``special  instances  of his innate brutality'' toward persons of
all walks of life.  He enjoyed inflicting torture,  and  revelled
in  liquidating  political opponents or those who had insulted or
snubbed him in some way.  He had a taste for  capital  executions
as the	perfect backdrop for parties and banquets.  Caligula also
did everything he could to denigrate the memory of the great  men
of  past  epochs,  so  that their fame could not eclipse his own:
``He assailed mankind of almost every epoch with no less envy and
malice than insolence and cruelty.  He threw down the statues  of
famous men'' and tried to destroy all the texts of Homer.

   Caligula  ``respected neither his own chastity nor that of any
one else.'' He was reckless in his extravagance, and soon emptied
out the imperial treasury of all the funds that old Tiberius  had
squirreled away  there.   After that, Caligula tried to replenish
his  coffers  through  a  system  of  spies,  false  accusations,
property seizures, and public auctions.  He also ``levied new and
unheard-of  taxes,''  to the point that ``no class of commodities
was exempt from some kind of tax or other.'' Caligula  taxed  all
foodstuffs,  took  a  fortieth	of  the  award in any lawsuit, an
eighth of the daily wages of the porters, and demanded	that  the
prostitutes  pay  him  a  daily  fee  equal  to the average price
charged to each individual customer.  (It is  rumored  that  this
part of Caligula's career is under study by those planning George
Bush's second term.) Caligula also opened a brothel in his palace
as  an	additional  source of income, which may prefigure today's
White House  staff.    Among  Caligula's  more	singular  hobbies
Suetonius  includes his love of rolling and wallowing in piles of
gold coins.

   Caligula kept his wife, Caesonia (described	by  Suetonius  as
``neither  beautiful  nor  young'')  with him until the very end.
But his greatest devotion was to his horse, whom he  made  consul
of the	Roman  state.	 Ultimately  Caligula  fell  victim  to a
conspiracy of the Praetorian Guard,  led  by  the  tribune  Gaius
Chaerea,  a  man  whom	Caligula  had  taken  special  delight in
humiliating.s1s3

   The authors of the present  study  are  convinced  that  these
references  to	the  depravity	of the Roman emperors, and to the
records of that depravity provided by such authors as Tacitus and
Suetonius, are directly germane to our present task of	following
the   career   of  a  member  of  the  senatorial  class  of  the
Anglo-American elite through the various stages of his	formation
and ultimate  ascent to imperial power.  The Roman Imperial model
is germane because the American ruling	elite  of  today  is  far
closer	to  the  world of Tiberius and Caligula than it is to the
world of the American Revolution or the Constitutional Convention
of 1789. The leitmotif of modern American  presidential  politics
is  unquestionably an imperial theme, most blatantly expressed by
Bush in his slogan for 1990, ``The New	World  Order,''  and  for
1991,  the  ``pax  universalis.'' The central project of the Bush
presidency  is	the  creation  and  consolidation  of  a  single,
universal  Anglo-American  (or	Anglo-Saxon) empire very directly
modelled on the various phases of the Roman Empire.


The Olympian Delusion

   There is  one  other  aspect  of  the  biographical-historical
method	of the Graeco-Roman world which we have sought to borrow.
Ever  since  Thucydides  composed  his	monumental  work  on  the
Peloponnesian	War,   those  who  have  sought  to  imitate  his
style--with the Roman  historian  Titus  Livius  prominent  among
them--have  employed  the  device of attributing long speeches to
historical personages, even when it appears  very  unlikely  that
such lengthy orations could have been made by the protagonists at
the time.   This has nothing to do with the synthetic dialogue of
current American political writing,  which  attempts  to  present
historical  events  as	a  series of trivial and banal soap-opera
exchanges, which carry on for such  interminable  lengths  as  to
suggest that  the authors are getting paid by the word.  Our idea
of fidelity to the classical style has simply been to let  George
Bush   speak   for  himself  wherever  possible,  through  direct
quotation.  We are convinced that by letting Bush express himself
directly in this way, we afford the reader a  more  faithful--and
damning--account of Bush's actions.

   George   Bush  might  agree	that  ``history  is  biography,''
although we suspect that he would not agree with any of our other
conclusions.  There may be a few  peculiarities  of  the  present
work as biography that are worthy of explanation at the outset.

   One	of our basic theses is that George Bush is, and considers
himself to be, an oligarch.  The  notion  of  oligarchy  includes
first  of  all the idea of a patrician and wealthy family capable
of introducing its offspring  into  such  elite  institutions  as
Andover, Yale,	and Skull and Bones.  Oligarchy also subsumes the
self-conception of  the  oligarch  as  belonging  to  a  special,
exalted  breed of mankind, one that is superior to the common run
of mankind as a matter of hereditary genetic superiority.    This
mentality   generally	goes  together	with  a  fascination  for
eugenics, race science and  just  plain  racism  as  a	means  of
building  a  case that one's own family tree and racial stock are
indeed superior.  These notions of ``breeding'' are a constant in
the  history  of  the  titled  feudal  aristocracy   of   Europe,
especially Britain, towards inclusion in which an individual like
Bush must  necessarily strive.	At the very least, oligarchs like
Bush see themselves as demigods occupying a middle ground between
the immortals above and the {hoi polloi} below.  The  culmination
of  this  insane delusion, which Bush has demonstrably long since
attained, is the obsessive belief that the principal families  of
the  Anglo-American elite, assembled in their freemasonic orders,
by themselves directly constitute an Olympian Pantheon of  living
deities  who  have  the capability of abrogating and disregarding
the laws of  the  universe  according  to  their  own  irrational
caprice.   If  we  do not take into account this element of fatal
and megalomaniac hubris, the lunatic Anglo-American  policies  in
regard	to  the  Gulf  War,  international  finance,  or the AIDS
epidemic must defy all comprehension.

   Part of the ethos of oligarchism as practiced by  George  Bush
is the	emphasis on one's own family pedigree.	This accounts for
the attention we dedicate in the opening chapters of this book to
Bush's family tree, reaching back to the nineteenth  century  and
beyond.   It  is impossible to gain insight into Bush's mentality
unless we realize that it is important for him to be considered a
cousin, however distant, of Queen Elizabeth II of  the	House  of
Mountbatten-Windsor and for his wife Barbara to be viewed in some
sense a descendant of President Franklin Pierce.


The Family Firm

   For	related reasons, it is our special duty to illustrate the
role played in the formation of George Bush as a  personality  by
his  maternal  grandfather  and  uncle, George Herbert Walker and
George Herbert Walker, Jr., and by George H.W. Bush's father, the
late Senator Prescott Bush. In the course of this task,  we  must
speak  at  length about the institution to which George Bush owes
the most, the Wall Street international investment bank of  Brown
Brothers   Harriman,   the  political  and  financial  powerhouse
mentioned above.  For George Bush, Brown  Brothers  Harriman  was
and remains the family firm in the deepest sense.  The formidable
power of this bank and its ubiquitous network, wielded by Senator
Prescott Bush up through the time of his death in 1972, and still
active	on George's behalf down to the present day, is the single
most important key to every step  of  George's	business,  covert
operations, and political career.

   In  the  case  of  George  Bush,  as  many  who have known him
personally  have  noted,  the  network	looms  much  larger  than
George's own  character and will.  The reader will search in vain
for strong principled commitments in George  Bush's  personality;
the  most  that  will  be  found  is  a  series of characteristic
obsessions, of which the most durable are race, vanity,  personal
ambition, and  settling scores with adversaries.  What emerges by
contrast  is  the  decisive  importance  of  Bush's  network   of
connections.   His  response  to  the Gulf crisis of 1991 will be
largely predetermined, not by any great flashes  of  geopolitical
insight,  but rather by his connections to the British oligarchy,
to Kissinger, to Israeli and Zionist circles, to Texas oilmen  in
his  fundraising  base,  to  the  Saudi Arabian and Kuwaiti royal
houses.  If the question is one of finance, then the opinions  of
J.  Hugh  Liedtke,  Henry  Kravis,  Robert  Mosbacher,	T.  Boone
Pickens, Nicholas Brady, James Baker III and the City  of  London
will be  decisive.   If covert operations and dirty tricks are on
the agenda, then there is a whole stable of  CIA  old  boys  with
whom he  will  consult,  and so on down the line.  During much of
1989, despite his control over the presidency, Bush appeared as a
weak and passive executive, waiting for his networks to show  him
what it was he was supposed to do.  When German reunification and
the  crumbling	of  the  Soviet  empire  spurred those--primarily
British--networks into	action,  Bush  was  suddenly  capable  of
violent and  daring  adventures.  As his battle for a second term
approaches, Bush may be showing increasing signs of a rage-driven
self-starter capability, especially when it comes to starting new
wars designed to secure his re-election.


The United States in Decline

   Biography  has  its	own  inherent  discipline:  It	must   be
concerned  with the life of its protagonist, and cannot stray too
far away.  In no way has  it  been  our  intention  to	offer  an
account  of  American history during the lifetime of George Bush.
The present study nevertheless	reflects  many	aspects  of  that
recent history	of  U.S. decline.  It will be noted that Bush has
succeeded in proportion as  the  country  has  failed,	and  that
Bush's	 advancement   has   proceeded	 {pari	passu}	with  the
degradation of the national stage upon which he has operated  and
which he  has come to dominate.  At various phases in his career,
Bush has come into conflict with persons who were  intellectually
and morally  superior  to  him.    One	such  was  Senator  Ralph
Yarborough, and another was Senator Frank Church. Our study  will
be  found  to  catalogue the constant decline in the qualities of
Bush's adversaries as human types until the 1980s, by which  time
his opponents, as in the case of Al Haig, are no better than Bush
himself.

   The	exception  to this trend is Bush's long-standing personal
vendetta against Lyndon LaRouche, his most consistent and capable
adversary.   LaRouche  was  jailed  seven   days   after   Bush's
inauguration  in  the  most  infamous political frameup of recent
U.S. history.  As our study will document, at critical moments in
Bush's career, LaRouche's political interventions have frustrated
some of Bush's best-laid political plans: A very clear example is
LaRouche's role in defeating Bush's 1980 presidential bid in  the
New Hampshire  primary.  Over the intervening years, LaRouche has
become George Bush's ``man in the  iron  mask,''  the  principled
political  adversary  whom  Bush seeks to jail and silence at all
costs.	The restoration of justice in this country  must  include
the  freeing of Lyndon LaRouche, LaRouche's political associates,
and all the other political prisoners of the Bush regime.

   As for the political relevance of our project, we  think  that
it is  very  real.    During  the Gulf crisis, it would have been
important for the public  to  know  more  about  Bush's  business
dealings  with	the  Royal  Family  of	Kuwait.  During  the 1992
presidential campaign, as Wall Street's recent crop of	junk-bond
assisted  leveraged buyouts line up at the entrance to bankruptcy
court, and  state  workers  all  across  the  United  States  are
informed that the retirement pensions they had been promised will
never be paid, the relations between George Bush and Henry Kravis
will surely  constitute an explosive political issue.  Similarly,
once Bush's British and Kissingerian pedigree is recognized,  the
methods  he  is  likely to pursue in regard to situations such as
the planned Romanian-style overthrow  of  the  Castro  regime  in
Cuba,  or  the	provocation  of  a  splendid  little  nuclear war
involving North Korea, or  of  a  new  Indo-Pakistani  war,  will
hardly be mysterious.

   The	authors  have  been  at  some  pains  to  make	this work
intelligible to readers around the world.  We offer this book  to
those  who  share our aversion to the imperialist-colonialist New
World Order, and our profound horror at the concept of	a  return
to  a single, worldwide Roman Empire as suggested by Bush's ``pax
universalis'' slogan.  This work is tangible evidence that  there
is  an	opposition to Bush inside the United States, and that the
new Caligula is very  vulnerable  indeed  on  the  level  of  the
exposure of his own misdeeds.

   It  will  be  argued that this book should have been published
before the 1988 election, when a Bush presidency might have  been
avoided.   That  is  certainly true, but it is an objection which
should also be directed to many institutions and  agencies  whose
resources far  surpass	our  modest  capabilities.    We can only
remind our fellow citizens that when he asks for their votes  for
his  re-election,  George  Bush  also enters that court of public
opinion in which he is obliged to answer their questions.    They
should	not waste this opportunity to grill him on all aspects of
his career and future intentions, since  it  is  Bush  who  comes
forward appealing  for their support.  To aid in this process, we
have provided a list of Twenty	Questions  for	Candidate  George
Bush  on  the  campaign  trail,  and  this  will  be found in the
appendix.

   We do not delude ourselves that we have  said  the  last  word
about George Bush. But we have for the first time sketched out at
least  some of the most salient features and gathered them into a
comprehensible whole.  We encourage an aroused citizenry, as well
as specialized researchers, to improve upon  what  we  have  been
able to  accomplish.	In  so	doing, we recall the words of the
Florentine Giovanni Boccaccio when he  reluctantly  accepted  the
order  of  a powerful king to produce an account of the old Roman
Pantheon: ``If I don't succeed completely in this exposition,  at
least I will provide a stimulus for the better work of others who
are wiser.''--Boccaccio, {Genealogy of the National Gods}
   {To be continued.}

   Notes


 1.  George  Bush  and	Vic  Gold,  {Looking Forward,} (New York:
Doubleday, 1987), p.  47.

2.
 Fitzhugh Green, {Looking Forward,} (New York: Hippocrene, 1989),
p.  53.

3. Harry Hurt III, ``George Bush, Plucky Lad,'' {Texas	Monthly,}
June, 1983, p.	142.

4.  Richard  Ben  Cramer,  ``How  He Got Here,'' {Esquire,} June,
1991, p.  84.

5. Joe Hyams, {Flight of the Avenger} (New York, 1991).

6.
 Nicholas King, {George Bush: A Biography} (New York, Dodd, Mead,
1980), p.  xi.

7. Donnie Radcliffe, {Simply Barbara Bush,}  (New  York:  Warner,
1989), p.  103.

8. Rainer Bonhorst, {George Bush, Der Neue Mann im Weissen Haus,}
(Bergisch Gladbach: Gustav Luebbe Verlag, 1988), pp.  80-81.

9.  See  ``The	Roar  of  the Crowd,'' {Texas Monthly,} November,
1991. See also Jan Jarboe, ``Meaner Than a Junkyard Dog,'' {Texas
Monthly,} April 1991, p.  122 ff.  Here Wyatt observes: ``I  knew
from  the beginning George Bush came to Texas only because he was
politically ambitious.	He flew out here on an airplane owned  by
Dresser Industries.    His  daddy  was	a  member of the board of
Dresser.''

10. Darwin Payne, {Initiative in Energy}  (New	York:  Simon  and
Shuster, 1979), p.  233.

11.   John  Selby  Watson  (translator),  {Sallust,  Florus,  and
Velleius Paterculus} (London: George Bell  and	Son,  1879),  pp.
542-46.

12.  Cornelius	Tacitus,  {The Annals of Imperial Rome} (Penguin,
1962), pp.  193-221.

13.  Gaius  Suetonius  Tranquillus,  {The  Lives  of  the  Twelve
Caesars} (New  York:  Modern  Library,	1931),	pp.    165-204, {
passim.

Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far  behind  on
this group.

Thanks.

	 John Covici

coviciccs.covici.com

Article 15244 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 2: George Bush Unauthorized Biography
Message-ID: 
Date: 15 Jan 92 21:58:09 GMT
Organization: Covici Computer Systems
Lines: 1495



The  following	is  from  the  New  Federalist serialization of a
forthcoming book concerning George Bush.

For further information or to subscribe to New Federalist, please
contact me by e-mail.

CHAPTER 2 THE HITLER PROJECT


1. Bush Property Seized--Trading with the Enemy

In October 1942, ten months after entering World War II,  America
was  preparing	its  first  assault against Nazi military forces.
Prescott Bush was managing partner of  Brown  Brothers	Harriman.
His  18-year-old  son George, the future U.S. President, had just
begun training to become a naval pilot.

   On October 20, 1942, the U.S.  government ordered the  seizure
of  Nazi  German  banking  operations in New York City which were
being conducted by Prescott Bush.

   Under the {Trading with the Enemy Act},  the  government  took
over  the  {Union  Banking  Corporation,}  in  which  Bush  was a
director.  The U.S. Alien Property Custodian seized Union Banking
Corp.'s stock shares, all of which were owned by  Prescott  Bush,
E.  Roland  ``Bunny''  Harriman,  three  Nazi executives, and two
other associates of Bush.s1

   The order seizing the bank  ``vest[ed]  [seized]  all  of  the
capital   stock   of   Union  Banking  Corporation,  a	New  York
corporation,'' and named the holders of its shares as:

   sb|``E.  Roland Harriman--3991 shares.'' Harriman was chairman
and director of Union Banking  Corp.  (UBC);  this  is	``Bunny''
Harriman, described by Prescott Bush as a place holder who didn't
get  much  into  banking  affairs;  Prescott managed his personal
investments.

   sb|``Cornelis Lievense--4 shares.'' Lievense was president and
director of UBC, and a New York resident banking functionary  for
the Nazis.

   sb|``Harold D. Pennington--1 share.'' Pennington was treasurer
and  director  of  UBC, and an office manager employed by Bush at
Brown Brothers Harriman.

   sb|``Ray Morris--1 share.'' Morris was director of UBC, and	a
partner of Bush and the Harrimans.

   sb|``Prescott  S.  Bush--1  share.'' Bush was director of UBC,
which was co-founded and sponsored by  his  father-in-law  George
Walker; he was senior managing partner for E. Roland Harriman and
Averell Harriman.

   sb|``H.J.   Kouwenhoven--1 share'' Kouwenhoven was director of
UBC; he organized  UBC	as  the  emissary  of  Fritz  Thyssen  in
negotiations with George Walker and Averell Harriman; he was also
managing  director  of	UBC's  Netherlands  affiliate  under Nazi
occupation;  industrial  executive  in	Nazi  Germany,	and  also
director  and  chief  foreign  financial  executive of the German
Steel Trust.

   sb|``Johann G. Groeninger--1 share.'' Groeninger was  director
of  UBC  and  of  its Netherlands affiliate; he was an industrial
executive in Nazi Germany.

   The order also specified: ``all of which shares are	held  for
the  benefit  of  ...  members	of  the  Thyssen family, [and] is
property of nationals ... of a designated enemy country....''

    By October 26, 1942, U.S.  troops  were  underway  for  North
Africa.  On  October 28, the government issued orders seizing two
Nazi front organizations  run  by  the	Bush-Harriman  bank:  the
{Holland-American  Trading  Corporation}  and the {Seamless Steel
Equipment Corporation.}s2

   U.S. forces landed under fire  near	Algiers  on  November  8,
1942;  heavy  combat raged throughout November. Nazi interests in
the {Silesian-American Corporation,}  long  managed  by  Prescott
Bush  and  his	father-in-law  George Herbert Walker, were seized
under the Trading with the Enemy Act on  November  17,	1942.  In
this  action,  the  government announced that it was seizing only
the Nazi interests, leaving the Nazis' U.S. partners to carry  on
the business.s3

   These  and  other  actions  taken  by  the  U.S. government in
wartime were, tragically, too little and  too  late.	President
Bush's	family had already played a central role in financing and
arming Adolf Hitler for his takeover of Germany; in financing and
managing the buildup of Nazi war industries for the  conquest  of
Europe and war against the U.S.A.; and in the development of Nazi
genocide  theories  and  racial propaganda, with their well-known
results.

   The facts presented here must be known, and their implications
reflected upon, for a proper understanding  of	President  George
Herbert  Walker  Bush  and  of	the  danger  to  mankind  that he
represents.  The President's family fortune was largely a  result
of the	Hitler	project.    The  powerful  Anglo-American  family
associations,  which  later  boosted   him   into   the   Central
Intelligence  Agency and up to the White House, were his father's
partners in the Hitler project.

   President Franklin Roosevelt's Alien Property  Custodian,  Leo
T.  Crowley, signed Vesting Order Number 248 seizing the property
of Prescott  Bush  under  the Trading with Enemy Act.  The order,
published in obscure government record books and kept out of  the
news,s4 explained nothing about the Nazis involved; only that the
Union  Banking	Corporation was run for the ``Thyssen family'' of
``Germany and/or Hungary''--``nationals ... of a designated enemy
country.''

   By deciding that Prescott Bush and the other directors of  the
Union  Banking	Corp. were legally {front men for the Nazis}, the
government avoided the more important historical issue:  In  what
way  {were Hitler's Nazis themselves hired, armed, and instructed
by} the New York and London clique of which Prescott Bush was  an
executive manager?    Let  us  examine	the  Harriman-Bush Hitler
project from the 1920s until it was partially broken up, to  seek
an answer for that question.


2. Origin and Extent of the Project

   Fritz  Thyssen  and	his  business  partners  are  universally
recognized as the  most  important  German  financiers	of  Adolf
Hitler's  takeover  of	Germany. At the time of the order seizing
the Thyssen family's Union Banking Corp., Mr. Fritz  Thyssen  had
already  published  his famous book, {I Paid Hitler},s5 admitting
that he had financed Adolf Hitler and  the  Nazi  movement  since
October  1923.	Thyssen's  role  as  the  leading early backer of
Hitler's grab for  power  in  Germany  had  been  noted  by  U.S.
diplomats in Berlin in 1932.s6 The order seizing the Bush-Thyssen
bank  was  curiously  quiet  and modest about the identity of the
perpetrators who had been nailed.

   But	two  weeks  before   the   official   order,   government
investigators  had  reported  secretly that ``W. Averell Harriman
was in Europe sometime prior to 1924  and  at  that  time  became
acquainted   with  Fritz  Thyssen,  the  German  industrialist.''
Harriman and Thyssen agreed to set up a bank for Thyssen  in  New
York.  ``[C]ertain  of	[Harriman's]  associates  would  serve as
directors....'' Thyssen agent ``H.J.  Kouwenhoven ... came to the
United States ... prior to 1924 for conferences with the Harriman
Company in this connection....''s7

   When exactly  was  ``Harriman  in  Europe  sometime	prior  to
1924''?   In  fact, he was in Berlin in 1922 to set up the Berlin
branch of W.A. Harriman & Co. under George Walker's presidency.

   The Union Banking  Corporation  was	established  formally  in
1924, as a unit in the Manhattan offices of W.A.  Harriman & Co.,
interlocking   with   the  Thyssen-owned  {Bank  voor  Handel  en
Scheepvaart} (BHS)  in	the  Netherlands.     The   investigators
concluded  that  ``the	Union  Banking	Corporation has since its
inception handled funds chiefly supplied to it through the  Dutch
bank by the Thyssen interests for American investment.''

   Thus  by personal agreement between Averell Harriman and Fritz
Thyssen in  1922,  W.A.  Harriman  &  Co.  (alias  Union  Banking
Corporation)  would  be transferring funds back and forth between
New York and the ``Thyssen interests'' in Germany. By putting  up
about  $400,000,  the  Harriman organization would be joint owner
and manager of Thyssen's banking operations outside of Germany.

   {How important was the Nazi	enterprise  for  which	President
Bush's father was the New York banker?}

   The 1942 U.S. government investigative report said that Bush's
Nazi-front  bank  was an interlocking concern with the Vereinigte
Stahlwerke (United  Steel  Works  Corporation  or  {German  Steel
Trust}) led  by  Fritz	Thyssen  and his two brothers.	After the
war, congressional investigators probed  the  Thyssen  interests,
Union Banking  Corp.  and  related Nazi units.	The investigation
showed that the Vereinigte Stahlwerke had produced the	following
approximate  proportions of total German national output: ``50.8%
of Nazi Germany's pig iron; 41.4%  of  Nazi  Germany's	universal
plate;	36.0%  of  Nazi  Germany's  heavy  plate;  38.5%  of Nazi
Germany's galvanized sheet; 45.5% of  Nazi  Germany's  pipes  and
tubes;	22.1%  of  Nazi  Germany's  wire; 35.0% of Nazi Germany's
explosives.''s8

   This accounts for many, many Nazi submarines,  bombs,  rifles,
gas chambers, etc.

   Prescott  Bush became vice president of W.A. Harriman & Co. in
1926. That same year, a friend of Harriman  and  Bush  set  up	a
giant  new  organization  for  their  client Fritz Thyssen, prime
sponsor of politician Adolf Hitler. The new {German Steel Trust,}
Germany's largest industrial corporation, was organized  in  1926
by Wall Street banker Clarence Dillon. Dillon was the old comrade
of  Prescott  Bush's  father  Sam  Bush  from  the ``Merchants of
Death'' bureau in World War I.

   In  return  for  putting  up  $70  million	to   create   his
organization, majority owner Thyssen gave the Dillon Read company
two  or  more  representatives	on  the  board	of  the new Steel
Trust.s9

   Thus there is a division of labor: Thyssen's own  confidential
accounts,  for	political  and related purposes, were run through
the Walker-Bush organization; the Steel Trust did  its	corporate
banking through Dillon Read.

   The	Walker-Bush  firm's  banking  activities  were	not  just
politically  neutral  money-making  ventures  which  happened  to
coincide  with	the  aims  of  German  Nazis.  All  of the firm's
European  business   in   those   days	 was   organized   around
anti-democratic political forces.

   In  1927,  criticism of their support for totalitarianism drew
this retort from  Bert	Walker,  written  from	Kennebunkport  to
Averell  Harriman:  ``It  seems  to  me  that  the  suggestion in
connection with Lord  Bearsted's  views  that  we  withdraw  from
Russia smacks  somewhat  of  the impertinent....  I think that we
have drawn our line and should hew to it.''s1s0

   Averell Harriman met with  Italy's  fascist	dictator,  Benito
Mussolini.  A representative of the firm subsequently telegraphed
good news back to his chief executive Bert Walker:  ``...  During
these  last  days ... Mussolini ... has examined and approved our
c[o]ntract 15 June.''s1s1

   The	great  financial  collapse  of	1929-31  shook	 America,
Germany, and  Britain,	weakening  all governments.  It also made
the hard-pressed Prescott Bush even more willing to  do  whatever
was necessary  to  retain  his new place in the world.	It was in
this  crisis  that  certain  Anglo-Americans  determined  on  the
installation of a Hitler regime in Germany.

   W.A.  Harriman  & Co., well-positioned for this enterprise and
rich in assets from their German  and  Russian	business,  merged
with  the  British-American  investment house, Brown Brothers, on
January 1, 1931.  Bert Walker retired to his own G.H.	Walker	&
Co.  This left the Harriman brothers, Prescott Bush, and Thatcher
M.  Brown as the  senior  partners  of	the  new  Brown  Brothers
Harriman firm.	  (The London, England branch of the Brown family
firm  continued  operating  under   its   historic   name--Brown,
Shipley.)

   Robert  A.  Lovett  also  came  over  as  a partner from Brown
Brothers. His father, E.H. Harriman's lawyer and railroad  chief,
had  been  on  the  War  Industries Board with Prescott's father.
Though he remained a partner  in  Brown  Brothers  Harriman,  the
junior	Lovett	soon  replaced	his father as chief exexcutive of
Union Pacific Railroad.

   Brown Brothers had a racial tradition that fitted it well  for
the Hitler  project.   American patriots had cursed its name back
in Civil War days.  Brown Brothers, with offices  in  the  U.S.A.
and  in  England,  had carried on their ships fully 75 percent of
the slave cotton from the American South  over	to  British  mill
owners;   through  their  usurious  credit  they  controlled  and
manipulated the slave-owners.

   Now, in 1931, the virtual dictator of world finance,  Bank  of
England  Governor  Montagu  Collet  Norman,  was  a  former Brown
Brothers partner,  whose  grandfather  had  been  boss	of  Brown
Brothers during  the U.S. Civil War.  Montagu Norman was known as
the most  avid	of  Hitler's  supporters  within  British  ruling
circles,  and  Norman's  intimacy with this firm was essential to
his management of the Hitler project.

   In 1931, while Prescott Bush ran the New York office of  Brown
Brothers   Harriman,  Prescott's  partner  was	Montagu  Norman's
intimate friend Thatcher Brown. The Bank of England chief  always
stayed	at  the home of Prescott's partner on his hush-hush trips
to New York. Prescott Bush  concentrated  on  the  firm's  German
actitivites,  and  Thatcher  Brown  saw  to their business in old
England, under the guidance of his mentor Montagu Norman.s1s2


3. Hitler's Ladder to Power

   Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany  January  30,  1933,
and absolute dictator in March 1933, after two years of expensive
and violent  lobbying  and electioneering.  Two affiliates of the
Bush-Harriman organization played great parts  in  this  criminal
undertaking:	Thyssen's    German    Steel   Trust;	and   the
Hamburg-Amerika Line and several of its executives.s1s3

   Let	us  look  more	closely  at  the  Bush	family's   German
partners.

   {Fritz  Thyssen} told Allied interrogators after the war about
some of his financial support for the Nazi Party:  ``In  1930  or
1931 ...  I  told  [Hitler's  deputy  Rudolph]	Hess ...  I would
arrange a credit for him with a Dutch bank in Rotterdam, the Bank
fuaur Handel und Schiff [i.e. Bank  voor  Handel  en  Scheepvaart
(BHS), the  Harriman-Bush  affiliate].	I arranged the credit ...
he would pay it back in three years....  I  chose  a  Dutch  bank
because  I  did  not  want to be mixed up with German banks in my
position, and because I thought it was better to do business with
a Dutch bank, and I thought I would have the Nazis a little  more
in my hands....

   ``The credit was about 250-300,000 [gold] marks--about the sum
I had  given  before.	 The  loan has been repaid in part to the
Dutch bank, but I think some money is still owing on it....''s1s4

   The overall total of Thyssen's political donations  and  loans
to  the Nazis was well over a million dollars, including funds he
raised from others--in a period  of  terrible  money-shortage  in
Germany.

   {Friedrich  Flick}  was the major co-owner of the German Steel
Trust with Fritz Thyssen,  Thyssen's  longtime	collaborator  and
sometime competitor.   In preparation for the war crimes tribunal
at Nuremberg, the U.S.	government said that Flick was	``one  of
leading  financiers  and industrialists who from 1932 contributed
large sums to the Nazi Party ... member of `Circle of Friends' of
Himmler who contributed large sums to the SS.''s1s5

      Flick, like Thyssen, financed the Nazis to  maintain  their
private  armies  called  Schutzstaffel (S.S. or Black Shirts) and
Sturmabteilung (S.A., storm troops or Brown Shirts).

   The Flick-Harriman  partnership  was  directly  supervised  by
Prescott  Bush,  President  Bush's  father, and by George Walker,
President Bush's grandfather.

   The Harriman-Walker Union Banking Corp. arrangements  for  the
German	Steel  Trust had made them bankers for Flick and his vast
operations in Germany by no later than 1926.

   The {Harriman Fifteen Corporation} (George Walker,  president,
Prescott  Bush	and  Averell  Harriman,  sole  directors)  held a
substantial stake in the Silesian Holding Co. at the time of  the
merger with  Brown  Brothers,  January	1,  1931.    This holding
correlated   to   Averell   Harriman's	 chairmanship	of    the
{Consolidated  Silesian  Steel	Corporation,}  the American group
owning one-third of a complex  of  steelmaking,  coal-mining  and
zinc-mining  activities in Germany and Poland, in which Friedrich
Flick owned two-thirds.s1s6

  The Nuremberg prosecutor characterized Flick as follows:

   ``Proprietor  and  head  of	a  large  group   of   industrial
enterprises (coal and iron mines, steel producing and fabricating
plants) ...    `Wehrwirtschaftsfuehrer,'  1938	[title awarded to
prominent industrialists for merit in armaments  drive--`Military
Economy Leader']....''s1s7

   For	this  buildup of the Hitler war machine with coal, steel,
and arms production, using slave laborers,  the  Nazi  Flick  was
condemned  to  seven  years in prison at the Nuremberg trials; he
served three years.    With  friends  in  New  York  and  London,
however, Flick lived into the 1970s and died a billionaire.

   On  March 19, 1934, Prescott Bush--then director of the German
Steel Trust's Union Banking Corporation--initiated  an	alert  to
the  absent  Averell Harriman about a problem which had developed
in the Flick partnership.s1s8 Bush sent Harriman a clipping  from
the  {New York Times} of that day, which reported that the Polish
government  was  fighting  back  against  American   and   German
stockholders  who  controlled ``Poland's largest industrial unit,
the Upper Silesian Coal and Steel Company....''

   The {Times} article continued: ``The  company  has  long  been
accused   of   mismanagement,	excessive  borrowing,  fictitious
bookkeeping and gambling in securities.  Warrants were issued  in
December for  several  directors  accused  of tax evasions.  They
were German citizens and they fled.  They were replaced by Poles.
Herr Flick, regarding this as an attempt to  make  the	company's
board  entirely  Polish,  retaliated by restricting credits until
the  new  Polish  directors  were  unable  to  pay  the   workmen
regularly.''

   The	{Times} noted that the company's mines and mills ``employ
25,000 men and account for 45 percent  of  Poland's  total  steel
output and  12 percent of her coal production.	Two-thirds of the
company's stock is owned by Friedrich  Flick,  a  leading  German
steel  industrialist,  and the remainder is owned by interests in
the United States.''

   In view of the fact that a great deal  of  Polish  output  was
being  exported  to Hitler's Germany under depression conditions,
the Polish government thought that Bush, Harriman, and their Nazi
partners  should  at  least  pay  full	taxes  on  their   Polish
holdings.   The  U.S.  and  Nazi owners responded with a lockout.
The letter to Harriman in Washington reported a cable from  their
European  representative:  ``Have  undertaken  new  steps  London
Berlin	...  please  establish	friendly  relations  with  Polish
Ambassador [in Washington].''

   A  1935  Harriman  Fifteen Corporation memo from George Walker
announced an agreement had been made ``in  Berlin''  to  sell  an
8,000  block  of their shares in Consolidated Silesian Steel.s1s9
But the dispute with Poland did not deter the  Bush  family  from
continuing its partnership with Flick.

   Nazi  tanks	and  bombs ``settled'' this dispute in September,
1939 with the invasion of Poland, beginning  World  War  II.  The
Nazi army had been equipped by Flick, Harriman, Walker, and Bush,
with materials essentially stolen from Poland.

   There   were  probably  few	people	at  the  time  who  could
appreciate the irony, that when the  Soviets  also  attacked  and
invaded  Poland  from the East, their vehicles were fueled by oil
pumped	from  Baku  wells  revived  by	the  Harriman/Walker/Bush
enterprise.

   Three  years later, nearly a year after the Japanese attack on
Pearl Harbor, the U.S. government  ordered  the  seizure  of  the
Nazis'	share  in  the	Silesian-American  Corporation	under the
Trading with the Enemy Act. Enemy nationals were said to  own  49
percent  of  the  common stock and 41.67 percent of the preferred
stock of the company.

   The order characterized the company as a ``business enterprise
within the United States, owned by [a front company  in]  Zurich,
Switzerland,  and  held  for the benefit of Bergwerksgesellschaft
George von Giesche's Erben, a German corporation....''s2s0

   Bert Walker was still the  senior  director	of  the  company,
which  he  had	founded  back  in  1926  simultaneously  with the
creation of  the  German  Steel  Trust.  Ray  Morris,  Prescott's
partner from Union Banking Corp. and Brown Brothers Harriman, was
also a director.

   The	investigative  report  prior  to the government crackdown
explained the ``NATURE OF BUSINESS: The subject corporation is an
American holding company  for  German  and  Polish  subsidiaries,
which  own  large  and	valuable  coal and zinc mines in Silesia,
Poland and Germany. Since September 1939, these  properties  have
been  in  the  possession of and have been operated by the German
government and have undoubtedly been of  considerable  assistance
to that country in its war effort.''s2s1

   The	report	noted  that  the  American  stockholders hoped to
regain control of the European properties after the war.


4. Control of Nazi Commerce

   Bert Walker had arranged the credits Harriman needed  to  take
control  of  the  Hamburg-Amerika  Line  back in 1920. Walker had
organized the {American Ship and Commerce Corp.} as a unit of the
W.A.	Harriman   &   Co.,   with   contractual    power    over
Hamburg-Amerika's affairs.

   As  the  Hitler  project  went  into  high gear, Harriman-Bush
shares in American Ship and  Commerce  Corp.  were  held  by  the
Harriman Fifteen Corp., run by Prescott Bush and Bert Walker.s2s2

   It  was  a  convenient  stroll  for the well-tanned, athletic,
handsome  Prescott  Bush.  From  the  Brown   Brothers	 Harriman
skyscraper  at	59  Wall  Street--where  he  was  senior managing
partner, confidential investments manager and advisor to  Averell
and  his  brother  ``Bunny''--he  walked  across  to the Harriman
Fifteen Corporation at One Wall Street, otherwise known  as  G.H.
Walker	& Co.--and around the corner to his subsidiary offices at
39 Broadway, former home of the old  W.A.  Harriman  &	Co.,  and
still  the  offices  for  American  Ship and Commerce, and of the
Union Banking Corporation.

   In many ways, Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Line was  the  pivot  for
the entire Hitler project.

   Averell  Harriman  and Bert Walker had gained control over the
steamship company in 1920 in negotiations with its post-World War
I chief executive, {Wilhelm Cuno}, and with the  line's  bankers,
M.M.  Warburg.	Cuno  was  thereafter completely dependent on the
Anglo-Americans,  and  became  a  member  of   the   Anglo-German
Friendship   Society.	In   the   1930-32  drive  for	a  Hitler
dictatorship, Wilhelm Cuno contributed important sums to the Nazi
Party.s2s3

   {Albert Voegler} was  chief	executive  of  the  Thyssen-Flick
German	Steel  Trust for which Bush's Union Banking Corp. was the
New York office.  He was a director  of  the  Bush-affiliate  BHS
Bank   in   Rotterdam,	 and  a  director  of  the  Harriman-Bush
Hamburg-Amerika Line. Voegler joined Thyssen and Flick	in  their
heavy  1930-33	Nazi contributions, and helped organize the final
Nazi leap into national power.s2s4

   The {Schroeder} family of bankers was a linchpin for the  Nazi
activities  of	Harriman and Prescott Bush, closely tied to their
lawyers Allen and John Foster Dulles.

   Baron Kurt  von  Schroeder  was  co-director  of  the  massive
Thyssen-Huette	foundry  along	with  Johann Groeninger, Prescott
Bush's New York bank partner.  Kurt von Schroeder  was	treasurer
of  the support organization for the Nazi Party's private armies,
to which Friedrich Flick contributed.	Kurt  von  Schroeder  and
Montagu  Norman's  proteaageaa	Hjalmar Schacht together made the
final arrangments for Hitler to enter the government.s2s5

   Baron Rudolph von Schroeder was vice president and director of
the Hamburg-Amerika Line. Long an  intimate  contact  of  Averell
Harriman's  in	Germany,  Baron  Rudolph  sent his grandson Baron
Johann Rudolph for a  tour  of	Prescott  Bush's  Brown  Brothers
Harriman offices in New York City in December 1932--on the eve of
their Hitler-triumph.s2s6

   Certain  actions  taken directly by the Harriman-Bush shipping
line in 1932 must be ranked among the gravest acts of treason  in
this century.

   The	U.S.  Embassy  in Berlin reported back to Washington that
the ``costly election campaigns'' and ``the cost of maintaining a
private army of 300,000 to 400,000 men'' had raised questions  as
to the	Nazis'	financial backers.  The constitutional government
of the German  republic  moved	to  defend  national  freedom  by
ordering the  Nazi  Party  private  armies  disbanded.	 The U.S.
Embassy reported that the {Hamburg-Amerika  Line  was  purchasing
and   distributing   propaganda   attacks   against   the  German
government, for attempting this last-minute crackdown on Hitler's
forces.}s2s7

   Thousands of  German  opponents  of	Hitlerism  were  shot  or
intimidated  by  privately  armed  Nazi  Brown	Shirts.  In  this
connection, we note that  the  original  ``Merchant  of  Death,''
Samuel	Pryor,	was a founding director of both the Union Banking
Corp. and the American Ship and Commerce Corp.	Since  Mr.  Pryor
was  executive committee chairman of Remington Arms and a central
figure in the world's private arms traffic, his use to the Hitler
project was enhanced as the Bush family's partner in  Nazi  Party
banking and trans-Atlantic shipping.

   The	U.S.  Senate  arms-traffic investigators probed Remington
after it was joined in a cartel agreement on  explosives  to  the
Nazi firm  I.G.    Farben.  Looking  at  the period leading up to
Hitler's seizure of  power,  the  senators  found  that  ``German
political  associations, like the Nazi and others, are nearly all
armed with American ...  guns....  Arms of all kinds coming  from
America  are  transshipped  in the Scheldt to river barges before
the vessels arrive in Antwerp. They then can be  carried  through
Holland without   police   inspection	or   interference.    The
Hitlerists and Communists  are	presumed  to  get  arms  in  this
manner.   The  principal  arms	coming	from America are Thompson
submachine guns and revolvers.	The number is great.''s2s8

   The beginning  of  the  Hitler  regime  brought  some  bizarre
changes to the Hamburg-Amerika Line--and more betrayals.

   Prescott  Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp. notified Max
Warburg of Hamburg, Germany, on March 7, 1933, that  Warburg  was
to  be	the  corporation's official, designated representative on
the board of Hamburg-Amerika.s2s9

   Max Warburg replied on March 27, 1933, assuring  his  American
sponsors  that	the Hitler government was good for Germany: ``For
the last few years business was considerably better than  we  had
anticipated,  but  a  reaction	is  making  itself  felt for some
months.  We are actually suffering also  under	the  very  active
propaganda   against   Germany,   caused   by	some   unpleasant
circumstances.	These occurrences were the natural consequence of
the very excited  election  campaign,  but  were  extraordinarily
exaggerated in	the  foreign  press.	The  Government is firmly
resolved to maintain public peace and order  in  Germany,  and	I
feel  perfectly  convinced in this respect that there is no cause
for any alarm whatsoever.''s3s0

   This seal of approval for Hitler, coming from  a  famous  Jew,
was  just  what  Harriman and Bush required, for they anticipated
rather serious ``alarm'' inside the  U.S.A.  against  their  Nazi
operations.

   On  March  29,  1933, two days after Max's letter to Harriman,
Max's son Erich sent a cable to his cousin Frederick M.  Warburg,
a director  of	the Harriman railroad system.  He asked Frederick
to ``use all your influence'' to stop all anti-Nazi  activity  in
America,  including  ``atrocity news and unfriendly propaganda in
foreign press, mass meetings, etc.''  Frederick  cabled  back  to
Erich: ``No responsible groups here [are] urging [a] boycott [of]
German	goods[,]  merely  excited  individuals.''  Two days after
that,  On  March  31,  1933,  the  {American-Jewish   Committee,}
controlled  by	the  Warburgs,	and  the  {B'nai B'rith,} heavily
influenced by the  Sulzbergers'  ({New	York  Times}),	issued	a
formal,  official  joint  statement  of  the  two  organizations,
counselling  ``that  no  American  boycott  against  Germany   be
encouraged,  [and  advising] ... that no further mass meetings be
held or similar forms of agitation be employed.''s3s1

   The American Jewish Committee and the B'nai B'rith (mother  of
the  ``Anti-Defamation	League'')  continued  with this hardline,
no-attack-on-Hitler stance all through the  1930s,  blunting  the
fight mounted by many Jews and other anti-fascists.

   Thus  the  decisive interchange reproduced above, taking place
entirely within the orbit of the Harriman/Bush firm, may  explain
something  of  the relationship of George Bush to American Jewish
and Zionist leaders.  Some of them, in close cooperation with his
family, played an ugly part in the drama of Naziism. Is this  why
``professional	Nazi-hunters'' have never discovered how the Bush
family made its money?

   The executive board of the {Hamburg	Amerika  Line}	{(Hapag)}
met  jointly with the North German Lloyd company board in Hamburg
on September 5, 1933. Under official Nazi  supervision,  the  two
firms were  merged.    Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce
Corp.	installed  Christian  J.  Beck,   a   longtime	 Harriman
executive,  as manager of freight and operations in North America
for  the  new  joint  Nazi  shipping  lines  {(Hapag-Lloyd)})  on
November 4, 1933.

   According  to  testimony  of officials of the companies before
Congress in 1934, a supervisor from the {Nazi Labor  Front}  rode
with  every  ship of the Harriman-Bush line; employees of the New
York offices were directly organized into the  Nazi  Labor  Front
organization;	 Hamburg-Amerika   provided   free   passage   to
individuals going abroad for Nazi propaganda  purposes;  and  the
line subsidized pro-Nazi newspapers in the U.S.A., as it had done
in Germany against the constitutional German government.s3s2

   In  mid-1936, Prescott Bush's American Ship and Commerce Corp.
cabled M.M. Warburg, asking Warburg to	represent  the	company's
heavy	share	interest   at	the  forthcoming  Hamburg-Amerika
stockholders meeting.	 The  Warburg  office  replied	with  the
information  that  ``we  represented  you''  at  the stockholders
meeting and ``exercised on your behalf your voting power  for  Rm
[gold marks] 3,509,600 Hapag stock deposited with us.''

   The	 Warburgs   transmitted   a  letter  received  from  Emil
Helfferich, German chief executive of both Hapag-Lloyd and of the
Standard Oil subsidiary in Nazi Germany: ``It is the intention to
continue the relations with Mr.  Harriman on the  same	basis  as
heretofore....''  In  a  colorful  gesture, Hapag's Nazi chairman
Helfferich sent the line's president across  the  Atlantic  on	a
Zeppelin to confer with their New York string-pullers.

   After   the	 meeting   with   the	Zeppelin  passenger,  the
Harriman-Bush office replied: ``I  am  glad  to  learn	that  Mr.
Hellferich  [sic]  has	stated that relations between the Hamburg
American Line and ourselves will be continued on the  same  basis
as heretofore.''s3s3

   Two	months	before moving against Bush's Union Banking Corp.,
the U.S.  government ordered the seizure of all property  of  the
Hamburg-Amerika  Line  and  North German Lloyd, under the Trading
with the Enemy Act. The investigators noted  in  the  pre-seizure
report	that  Christian  J.  Beck was still acting as an attorney
representing the Nazi firm.s3s4

   In May 1933, just after the Hitler regime was consolidated, an
agreement was reached in Berlin for the coordination of all  Nazi
commerce with the U.S.A. The {Harriman International Co.,} led by
Averell  Harriman's  first cousin Oliver, was to head a syndicate
of 150 firms  and  individuals,  to  conduct  {all  exports  from
Hitler's Germany to the United States}.s3s5

   This  pact  had  been  negotiated  in  Berlin between Hitler's
economics minister, Hjalmar  Schacht,  and  John  Foster  Dulles,
international  attorney  for dozens of Nazi enterprises, with the
counsel of Max Warburg and Kurt von Schroeder.

   John Foster Dulles would later be U.S. Secretary of State, and
the great power in the Republican Party of  the  1950s.  Foster's
friendship  and  that  of  his brother Allen (head of the Central
Intelligence Agency), greatly aided Prescott Bush to  become  the
Republican  U.S.  senator  from  Connecticut. And it was to be of
inestimable value to George Bush, in his ascent to the heights of
``covert action government,'' that both of these Dulles  brothers
were the lawyers for the Bush family's far-flung enterprise.

   Throughout	the  1930s,  John  Foster  Dulles  arranged  debt
restructuring for German firms under a series of  decrees  issued
by  Adolf Hitler. In these deals, Dulles struck a balance between
the interest owed to selected, larger investors, and the needs of
the growing Nazi warmaking apparatus for producing tanks,  poison
gas, etc.

   Dulles  wrote  to  Prescott	Bush  in 1937 concerning one such
arrangement.  The  German-Atlantic  Cable  Company,  owning  Nazi
Germany's  only  telegraph channel to the United States, had made
debt and management  agreements  with  the  Walker-Harriman  bank
during the  1920s.  A new decree would now void those agreements,
which  had  originally	been  reached  with  non-Nazi	corporate
officials.   Dulles  asked  Bush,  who	managed these affairs for
Averell Harriman, to get Averell's signature on a letter to  Nazi
officials, agreeing to the changes.  Dulles wrote:

``Sept.  22,  1937
``Mr.  Prescott S. Bush
``59 Wall Street, New
  York, N.Y.

   ``Dear Press,
   ``I have looked over the letter of the  German-American  [sic]
Cable  Company	to  Averell Harriman.... It would appear that the
only rights in the matter are those which inure  in  the  bankers
and  that  no  legal  embarrassment  would  result, so far as the
bondholders  are  concerned,  by   your   acquiescence	 in   the
modification of the bankers' agreement.
   ``Sincerely yours,
   ``John Foster Dulles''

   Dulles  enclosed  a	proposed draft reply, Bush got Harriman's
signature, and the changes went through.s3s6

   In conjunction with these arrangements,  the  German  Atlantic
Cable  Company	attempted to stop payment on its debts to smaller
American bondholders.  The money  was  to  be  used  instead  for
arming the Nazi state, under a decree of the Hitler government.

   Despite  the busy efforts of Bush and Dulles, a New York court
decided that this particular Hitler ``law'' was  invalid  in  the
United	States;  small	bondholders, not parties to deals between
the bankers and the Nazis, were entitled to get paid.s3s7

   In this and	a  few	other  of  the	attempted  swindles,  the
intended victims  came	out  with  their  money.    But  the Nazi
financial and political reorganization went ahead to  its  tragic
climax.

   For	his part in the Hitler revolution, Prescott Bush was paid
a fortune.

   This is the legacy he left to his son, President George Bush.

Notes

1. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number  248.
Signed	by  Leo  T.  Crowley,  Alien Property Custodian, executed
October 20, 1942; F.R. Doc.  42-11568; Filed, November 6, 1942. 7
Fed. Reg. 9097 (November 7, 1942).
   The {New York City Directory of  Directors},  1930s-40s,  list
Prescott  Bush	as  a  director  of Union Banking Corp. from 1934
through 1943.


2.
 Alien Property Custodian Vesting Order No. 259:  Seamless  Steel
Equipment Corporation; Vesting Order Number 261: Holland-American
Trading Corp.


3.    Alien   Property	 Custodian   Vesting   Order   No.   370:
Silesian-American Corp.


4. {New York Times,} December 16, 1944, ran a five-paragraph page
25 article on actions of the New York State  Banking  Department.
Only the last sentence refers to the Nazi bank, as follows: ``The
Union  Banking	Corporation,  39 Broadway, New York, has received
authority to change  its  principal  place  of	business  to  120
Broadway.''
   The	 {Times}   omitted   the  fact	that  the  Union  Banking
Corporation had been seized by the government  for  trading  with
the  enemy, and the fact that 120 Broadway was the address of the
government's Alien Property Custodian.


5.
 Fritz	Thyssen,  {I  Paid  Hitler},  1941,  reprinted	in  (Port
Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat  Press,  1972), p.  133.  Thyssen says
his contributions began with 100,000 marks given in October 1923,
for Hitler's  attempted  ``putsch''  against  the  constitutional
government.


6. Confidential  memorandum  from  U.S.   Embassy, Berlin, to the
U.S.  Secretary  of  State,  April  20,  1932,	on  microfilm  in
{Confidential  Reports	of  U.S. State Dept., 1930s, Germany,} at
major U.S.  libraries.


7. October 5, 1942, Memorandum to the Executive Committee of  the
Office	of  Alien  Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from
the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer  Jones,  Chief.
Now  declassified  in  United States National Archives, Suitland,
Maryland annex.  See Record Group 131, Alien Property  Custodian,
investigative  reports,  in  file  box	relating to Vesting Order
Number 248.


8. {Elimination of German Resources for War}: Hearings	Before	a
Subcommittee  of the Committee on Military Affairs, United States
Senate, Seventy-Ninth Congress; Part 5, Testimony of [the  United
States]  Treasury  Department,	July  2, 1945. Page 507: Table of
Vereinigte Stahlwerke output, figures are percent of German total
as  of	1938;  Thyssen	organization  including   Union   Banking
Corporation pp.  727-731.


9.  Robert  Sobel, {The Life and Times of Dillon Read} (New York:
Dutton-Penguin, 1991),	pp.    92-111.	The  Dillon   Read   firm
cooperated in the development of Sobel's book.


10.  George  Walker  to  Averell Harriman, August 11, 1927, in W.
Averell Harriman papers, Library  of  Congress	(hereafter  ``WAH
papers'').


11. ``Iaccarino'' to G. H. Walker, RCA Radiogram Sept. 12, 1927.


12. Andrew Boyle, {Montagu Norman} (London: Cassell, 1967).
   Sir Henry Clay, {Lord Norman} (London, MacMillan & Co., 1957),
pp.  18, 57, 70-71.
   John  A. Kouwenhouven, {Partners in Banking ... Brown Brothers
Harriman} (Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1969).


13.
 Coordination of much of the  Hitler  project  took  place  at	a
single New  York address.  The Union Banking Corporation had been
set up by  George  Walker  at  39  Broadway.  Management  of  the
Hamburg-Amerika  Line,	carried  out  through Harriman's American
Ship and Commerce Corp., was also set up by George Walker  at  39
Broadway.


14.  Interrogation  of Fritz Thyssen, EF/Me/1 of Sept. 4, 1945 in
U.S.  Control Council records, photostat on page 167  in  Anthony
Sutton,  {An  Introduction  to The Order} (Billings, Mt.: Liberty
House Press, 1986).


15. {Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, by the Office
of United  States  Chief  of  Counsel  for  Prosecution  of  Axis
Criminality, U. S. Government Printing Office, (Washington, D.C.,
1948), pp.  1597, 1686.


16.  ``Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation - [minutes of the]
Meeting of Board of Directors,'' October 31, 1930  (WAH  papers),
shows Averell Harriman as Chairman of the Board.
   Prescott  Bush  to W.A. Harriman, Memorandum December 19, 1930
on their Harriman Fifteen Corp.
   Annual Report of United Konigs and Laura Steel and Iron  Works
for  the  year	1930 (WAH papers) lists ``Dr. Friedrich Flick ...
Berlin'' and ``William Averell Harriman ...  New  York''  on  the
Board of Directors.
    ``Harriman	Fifteen  Coporation  Securities Position February
28, 1931,'' WAH papers.    This  report  shows	Harriman  Fifteen
Corporation holding 32,576 shares in Silesian Holding Co.  V.T.C.
worth  (in  scarce depression dollars) $1,628,800, just over half
the value of the Harriman Fifteen Corporation's total holdings.
   The {New York City Directory of  Directors}	volumes  for  the
1930s  (available  at  the  Library  of  Congress)  show Prescott
Sheldon Bush and  W.	Averell  Harriman  as  the  directors  of
Harriman Fifteen Corp.
   ``Appointments,''  (three  typed  pages) marked ``Noted May 18
1931 W.A.H.,'' (among the papers from Prescott	Bush's	New  York
Office	of  Brown Brothers Harriman, WAH papers), lists a meeting
between Averell Harriman and Friedrich Flick in  Berlin  at  4:00
P.M., Wednesday April 22, 1931.  This was followed immediately by
a   meeting   with   Wilhelm   Cuno,   chief   executive  of  the
Hamburg-Amerika Line.
   The ``Report To  the  Stockholders  of  the	Harriman  Fifteen
Corporation,'' October	19,  1933 (WAH papers) names G.H.  Walker
as president of the corporation.  It shows the	Harriman  Fifteen
Corp.'s address as 1 Wall Street--the location of G.H. Walker and
Co.


17.  {Nazi  Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, {op. cit.,}
p.  1686.


18. Jim Flaherty (a BBH manager, Prescott Bush's employee), March
19, 1934 to W.A. Harriman.
   ``Dear Averell:
   ``In Roland's absence Pres[cott] thought it adviseable for  me
to  let  you  know that we received the following cable from [our
European representative] Rossi	dated  March  17th  [relating  to
conflict with the Polish government]....''


19.  Harriman  Fifteen Corporation notice to stockholders January
7, 1935, under the name of George Walker, President.


20. Order No. 370: Silesian-American Corp. Executed November  17,
1942. Signed by Leo T. Crowley, Alien Prop. Custodian.	F.R. Doc.
42-14183;  Filed,  December  31,  1942;  8  Fed. Reg. 33 (Jan. 1,
1943).
   The order confiscated the Nazis' holdings of 98,000 shares  of
common and 50,000 shares of preferred stock in Silesian-American.
   The	Nazi  parent company in Breslau, Germany wrote to Averell
Harriman at 59 Wall St. on Aug. 5, 1940, with ``an invitation  to
take   part  in  the  regular  meeting	of  the  members  of  the
Bergwerksgesellsc[h]aft  Georg	von  Giesche's	Erben....''   WAH
papers.


21.  Sept. 25, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive Committee of the
Office of Alien Property Custodian,  stamped  CONFIDENTIAL,  from
the  Division  of Investigation and Research, Homer Jones, Chief.
Now declassified in United States  National  Archives,	Suitland,
Maryland annex.   See Record Group 131, Alien Property Custodian,
investigative reports, in file	box  relating  to  Vesting  Order
Number 370.


22.  George  Walker  was a director of American Ship and Commerce
from its  organization	through  1928.	Consult  {New  York  City
Directory of Directors}.
   ``Harriman  Fifteen	Corporation  Securities Position February
28, 1931,'' {op. cit.} The report  lists  46,861  shares  in  the
American Ship & Commerce Corp.
   See	``Message  from  Mr. Bullfin,'' August 30, 1934 (Harriman
Fifteen section, WAH papers) for the joint  supervision  of  Bush
and   Walker,	respectively   director   and  president  of  the
corporation.


23. Cuno was later exposed by  Walter  Funk,  Third  Reich  Press
Chief  and  Under Secretary of Propaganda, in Funk's postwar jail
cell at Nuremberg; but Cuno had died just as  Hitler  was  taking
power.	 William  L.  Shirer, L., {The Rise and Fall of the Third
Reich} (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960),  p.    144.    {Nazi
Conspiracy and Aggression, Supplement B}, {op. cit.,} p.  1688.


24.  See ``Elimination of German Resources for War,'' {op. cit.,}
pages 881-882 on Voegler.
   See		Annual		Report		 of	      the
(Hamburg-Amerikanische-Packetfahrt-Aktien-Gesel  schaft (Hapag or
Hamburg-Amerika Line), March 1931, for the board of directors.	A
copy is in the New York Public	Library  Annex	at  11th  Avenue,
Manhattan.


25.  {Nazi  Conspiracy and Aggression--Supplement B,} {op. cit.,}
pp.  1178, 1453-1454, 1597, 1599.
    See ``Elimination of German Resources for War,'' {op.  cit.,}
pp.  870-72 on Schroeder; p.  730 on Groeninger.


26. Annual Report of Hamburg-Amerika, {op. cit.}
   Baron Rudolph Schroeder, Sr. to Averell Harriman, November 14,
1932.  K[night] W[ooley] handwritten note and draft reply letter,
December 9, 1932.
   In  his  letter, Baron Rudolph refers to the family's American
affiliate, J. Henry Schroder [name anglicized],  of  which  Allen
Dulles was a director, and his brother John Foster Dulles was the
principal attorney.
   Baron Bruno Schroder of the British branch was adviser to Bank
of  England  Governor  Montagu	Norman, and Baron Bruno's partner
Frank Cyril Tiarks  was  Norman's  co-director	of  the  Bank  of
England throughout  Norman's  career.	 Kurt  von  Schroeder was
Hjalmar  Schacht's  delegate  to  the  Bank   for   International
Settlements  in  Geneva, where many of the financial arrangements
for the Nazi regime were made by Montagu Norman, Schacht and  the
Schroeders for several years of the Hitler regime right up to the
outbreak of World War II.


27.
 Confidential memorandum from U.S.  Embassy, Berlin, {op. cit.}


28.  U.S.  Senate ``Nye Committee'' hearings, Sept. 14, 1934, pp.
1197-1198, extracts from letters of Col. William N. Taylor, dated
June 27, 1932 and January 9, 1933.


29. American Ship and Commerce Corporation to  Dr.  Max  Warburg,
March 7, 1933.
   Max	Warburg  had  brokered	the  sale  of  Hamburg-Amerika to
Harriman and Walker in 1920. Max's brothers controlled	the  Kuhn
Loeb  investment  banking  house  in New York, the firm which had
staked old E.H. Harriman to his 1890s buyout of the  giant  Union
Pacific Railroad.
   Max Warburg had long worked with Lord Milner and others of the
racialist British Round Table concerning joint projects in Africa
and Eastern  Europe.	He  was an advisor to Hjalmar Schacht for
several decades and was a top executive of  Hitler's  Reichsbank.
The  reader may consult David Farrer, {The Warburgs: The Story of
A Family} (New York: Stein and Day, 1975).


30. Max Warburg, at M.M. Warburg and  Co.,  Hamburg,  to  Averill
[sic]  Harriman,  c/o  Messrs.	Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 59
Wall Street, New York, N.Y., March 27, 1933.


31. This correspondence, and the joint statement  of  the  Jewish
organizations,	are  reproduced  in  Moshe R. Gottlieb, {American
Anti-Nazi Resistance, 1933-41: An Historical Analysis} (New York:
Ktav Publishing House, 1982).


32.   {Investigation   of   Nazi   Propaganda	Activities    and
Investigation  of  Certain  Other  Propaganda Activities}: Public
Hearings before  A  Subcommittee  of  the  Special  Committee  on
Un-American  Activities,  United States House of Representatives,
Seventy Third Congress, New York City, July 9-12,  1934--Hearings
No. 73-NY-7 (Washington, D.C., U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1934).
See testimony of Capt. Frederick C. Mensing, John Schroeder, Paul
von Lilienfeld-Toal, and summaries by Committee members.
   See {New York Times,} July 16, 1933, p.  12, for organizing of
Nazi   Labor   Front   at   North   German   Lloyd,   leading  to
Hamburg-Amerika after merger.


33. American Ship and Commerce Corporation  telegram  to  Rudolph
Brinckmann at M.M. Warburg, June 12, 1936.
   Rudolph  Brinckmann	to  Averell Harriman at 59 Wall St., June
20, 1936, with enclosed note transmitting Helferrich's letter.
   Reply to Dr. Rudolph Brinkmann c/o M.M. Warburg and	Co,  July
6, 1936,  WAH  papers.	  The file copy of this letter carries no
signature, but is presumably from Averell Harriman.


34. Office of Alien Property Custodian, Vesting Order Number 126.
Signed by Leo T.  Crowley,  Alien  Property  Custodian,  executed
August 28,  1942.  F.R.  Doc.	42-8774; Filed September 4, 1942,
10:55 A.M.; 7 F.R. 7061 (Number 176, Sept. 5, 1942.)
   July 18, 1942, Memorandum To the Executive  Committee  of  the
Office	of  Alien  Property Custodian, stamped CONFIDENTIAL, from
the Division of Investigation and Research, Homer  Jones,  Chief.
Now  declassified  in  United States National Archives, Suitland,
Maryland annex.  See Record Group 131, Alien Property  Custodian,
investigative  reports,  in  file  box	relating to Vesting Order
Number 126.


35. {New York Times,} May 20, 1933.  Leading up to this agreement
is a  telegram	which  somehow	escaped  the  shredder.    It  is
addressed  to  Nazi  official  Hjalmar	Schacht  at the Mayflower
Hotel, Washington, dated May 11,  1933:  ``Much  disappointed  to
have missed  seeing  you  Tueday afternoon....	I hope to see you
either in Washington or New York before you sail.
   with my regards W.A. Harriman'' (WAH papers).


36. Dulles to Bush, letter and draft reply in WAH papers.


37. {New York Times,} Jan. 19, 1938.



Any comments, please send by email, as I get very far  behind  on
this group.

Thanks.

	 John Covici

coviciccs.covici.com

Article 15394 of alt.activism:
From: covici@ccs.covici.com (John Covici)
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Subject: Part 3: George bush Unauthorized Biography
Message-ID: <1VVReB1w164w@ccs.covici.com>
Date: 19 Jan 92 01:12:47 GMT
Organization: Covici Computer Systems
Lines: 1544

The following is  part 3 of an unauthorized biography of George Bush
-- a forthcoming book serialized in New Federalist.  This article is
from Issue 1 V6.

For further information, or to subscribe, please contact me by
e-mail.



Chapter  3  RACE  HYGIENE:  Three  Bush  Family  Alliances  ``The
[government] must put  the  most  modern  medical  means  in  the
service of  this  knowledge....    Those  who  are physically and
mentally  unhealthy  and  unworthy  must  not  perpetuate   their
suffering in  the  body  of their children....	The prevention of
the faculty and opportunity to	procreate  on  the  part  of  the
physically  degenerate	and  mentally sick, over a period of only
600  years,  would  ...  free  humanity  from	an   immeasurable
misfortune.''s1

   ``The  per  capita  income  gap  between the developed and the
developing countries is increasing, in large part the  result  of
higher birth  rates in the poorer countries....  Famine in India,
unwanted babies in the United States, poverty that seemed to form
an unbreakable chain for millions of people--how should we tackle
these problems?....  It is quite clear	that  one  of  the  major
challenges  of	the  1970s  ...  will  be  to  curb  the  world's
fertility.''

These two quotations are alike in their mock show of concern  for
human  suffering, and in their cynical remedy for it: Big Brother
must  prevent  the  ``unworthy''  or  ``unwanted''  people   from
living.
   Let	us  now further inquire into the family background of our
President, so as to help illustrate how the second quoted author,
{George Bush}s1 came to share the outlook of  the  first,  {Adolf
Hitler}.s2
   We  shall  examine  here  the alliance of the Bush family with
three other families: {Farish, Draper} and {Gray.}
   The private associations among these families have led to  the
President's   relationship  to	his  closest,  most  confidential
advisers.  These alliances were  forged  in  the  earlier  Hitler
project and  its  immediate  aftermath.   Understanding them will
help us to explain George  Bush's  obsession  with  the  supposed
overpopulation of the world's non-Anglo-Saxons, and the dangerous
means he has adopted to deal with this ``problem.''


Bush and Farish

   When  George  Bush  was  elected vice president in 1980, Texas
mystery man William Stamps Farish III took over management of all
of George Bush's personal wealth in a ``blind trust.''	Known  as
one  of  the richest men in Texas, Will Farish keeps his business
affairs under the most intense secrecy.  Only the source  of  his
immense wealth is known, not its employment.s3
   Will   Farish   has	 long  been  Bush's  closest  friend  and
confidante.  He is also the  unique  private  host  to	Britain's
Queen Elizabeth: Farish owns and boards the studs which mate with
the Queen's  mares.   That is her public rationale when she comes
to America and stays in Farish's house.  It is a  vital  link  in
the mind of our Anglophile President.
   President  Bush  can count on Farish not to betray the violent
secrets surrounding the Bush family  money.    For  Farish's  own
family	fortune  was  made  in	the  same  Hitler  project,  in a
nightmarish partnership with George Bush's father.

   On March 25, 1942, U.S.  Assistant  Attorney  General  Thurman
Arnold	announced  that William Stamps Farish (grandfather of the
President's money manager) had pleaded ``no contest'' to  charges
of  criminal  conspiracy with the Nazis. Farish was the principal
manager of a worldwide cartel between Standard	Oil  Co.  of  New
Jersey and  the  I.G.  Farben concern.	The merged enterprise had
opened the Auschwitz slave  labor  camp  on  June  14,	1940,  to
produce artificial  rubber  and  gasoline  from coal.  The Hitler
government supplied political opponents and Jews as  the  slaves,
who were worked to near death and then murdered.
   Arnold  disclosed that Standard Oil of New Jersey (later known
as Exxon), of which Farish was president and chief executive, had
agreed	to  stop  hiding  from	the  United  States  patents  for
artificial rubber which the company had provided to the Nazis.s4
   A  Senate  investigating  committee	under Senator (later U.S.
President) Harry Truman of Missouri had called Arnold to  testify
at  hearings  on  corporations' collaboration with the Nazis. The
Senators  expressed  outrage  at  the  cynical	way  Farish   was
continuing an alliance with the Hitler regime that had begun back
in  1933,  when Farish became chief of Jersey Standard. Didn't he
know there was a war on?
   The Justice Department laid before  the  committee  a  letter,
written  to  Standard  president  Farish  by  his vice president,
shortly after the beginning of World War II (September	1,  1939)
in  Europe.  The  letter  concerned  a	renewal  of their earlier
agreements with the Nazis:

Report on  European  Trip  Oct.  12,  1939  Mr.  W.S.  Farish  30
Rockefeller Plaza

   Dear Mr. Farish:
    ...  I stayed in France until Sept. 17th.... In England I met
by appointment the Royal Dutch [Shell  Oil  Co.]  gentlemen  from
Holland, and ... a general agreement was reached on the necessary
changes  in  our relations with the I.G. [Farben], in view of the
state of war....  [T]he Royal Dutch Shell  group  is  essentially
British....  I	also  had several meetings with ... the [British]
Air Ministry....
   I required help to obtain the necessary permission  to  go  to
Holland....  After  discussions  with  the  [American] Ambassador
[Joseph Kennedy] the situation was cleared  completely....    The
gentlemen  in  the Air Ministry ... very kindly offered to assist
me [later] in reentering England....
   Pursuant  to  these	arrangements,  I  was  able  to  keep  my
appointments  in  Holland  [having flown there on a British Royal
Air Force bomber], where I had three days of discussion with  the
representatives  of I.G. They delivered to me assignments of some
2,000 foreign patents and {we did our best to work  out  complete
plans for a modus vivendi which could operate through the term of
the war, whether or not the U.S. came in....} [emphasis added]
   Very truly yours, F[rank] A.  Howards5

   Here  are  some cold realities behind the tragedy of World War
II, which help explain the Bush-Farish family alliance--and their
peculiar closeness to the Queen of England:
   sb|Shell  Oil  is  principally  owned  by  the  British  Royal
family.   Shell's  chairman,  Sir Henri Deterding, helped sponsor
Hitler's rise to power,s6 by arrangement with the Royal  Family's
Bank  of  England  Governor, Montagu Norman. Their ally, Standard
Oil, would take part in  the  Hitler  project  right  up  to  the
bloody, gruesome end.
   sb|When  grandfather  Farish  signed  the Justice Department's
consent decree in March 1942, the government had already  started
picking its way through the tangled web of world-monopoly oil and
chemical  agreements  between  Standard  Oil  and the Nazis. Many
patents and other Nazi-owned aspects of the partnership had  been
seized by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian.
   Uncle  Sam  would  not  seize  Prescott  Bush's  Union Banking
Corporation for another seven months.
   The Bush-Farish axis had begun back in 1929. In that year, the
Harriman bank bought Dresser Industries, supplier of oil-pipeline
couplers to Standard and other companies.  Prescott Bush became a
director and financial	czar  of  Dresser,  installing	his  Yale
classmate Neil Mallon as chairman.s7 George Bush would later name
one of his sons after the Dresser executive.
   William S. Farish was the main organizer of the Humble Oil Co.
of  Texas,  which  Farish merged into the Standard Oil Company of
New Jersey.   Farish  built  up  the  Humble-Standard  empire  of
pipelines and refineries in Texas.s8
   The	stock  market crashed just after the Bush family got into
the oil business.  The world financial crisis led to  the  merger
of  the  Walker-Harriman bank with Brown Brothers in 1931. Former
Brown partner Montagu Norman and his protege Hjalmar Schacht, who
was to become Hitler's economics minister, paid frantic visits to
New York that year and the next, preparing the new Hitler  regime
for Germany.


The Congress on Eugenics

   The	 most	important   American  political  event	in  those
preparations for Hitler  was  the  infamous  Third  International
Congress  on  Eugenics,  held  at  New	York's American Museum of
Natural  History  August   21-23,   1932,   supervised	 by   the
International  Federation  of  Eugenics Societies.s9 This meeting
took up the stubborn persistence of African-Americans  and  other
allegedly  ``inferior''  and  ``socially  inadequate''	groups in
reproducing, expanding their numbers, and  ``amalgamating''  with
others.   It  was  recommended	that  these  ``dangers''  to  the
``better'' ethnic groups and to the ``well-born,'' could be dealt
with by sterilization or ``cutting off the  bad  stock''  of  the
``unfit.''
   Italy's  fascist  government  sent an official representative.
Averell Harriman's sister Mary, director of ``entertainment'' for
the Congress, lived down in  Virginia  fox-hunting  country;  her
state  supplied  the  speaker on ``racial purity,'' W.A. Plecker,
Virginia commissioner of vital statistics.    Plecker  reportedly
held the delegates spellbound with his account of the struggle to
stop race-mixing and interracial sex in Virginia.
   The	Congress proceedings were dedicated to Averell Harriman's
mother; she  had  paid	for  the  founding  of	the  race-science
movement  in  America  back in 1910, building the Eugenics Record
Office as a branch of the Galton National Laboratory  in  London.
She  and other Harrimans were usually escorted to the horse races
by old George Herbert Walker--they shared with the Bushes and the
Farishes a  fascination  with  ``breeding  thoroughbreds''  among
horses and humans.s1s0
   Averell  Harriman  personally  arranged  with  the Walker/Bush
Hamburg-Amerika Line to transport Nazi ideologues from Germany to
New York for  this  meeting.s1s1  The  most  famous  among  those
transported  was  Dr.  Ernst  Rudin,  psychiatrist  at the Kaiser
Wilhelm Institute for Genealogy and Demography in  Berlin,  where
the Rockefeller  family  paid  for Dr.	Rudin to occupy an entire
floor with his eugenics ``research.'' Dr. Rudin had addressed the
International  Federation's  1928  Munich  meeting,  speaking  on
``Mental Aberration and Race Hygiene,'' while others (Germans and
Americans)  spoke  on race-mixing and sterilization of the unfit.
Rudin had led the German delegation to the  1930  Mental  Hygiene
Congress in Washington, D.C.
   At the Harrimans' 1932 New York Eugenics Congress, Ernst Rudin
was unanimously elected President of the International Federation
of  Eugenics  Societies. This was recognition of Rudin as founder
of the German Society for  Race  Hygiene,  with  his  co-founder,
Eugenics Federation vice president Alfred Ploetz.
   As  depression-maddened  financiers	schemed in Berlin and New
York, Rudin  was  now  official  leader  of  the  world  eugenics
movement.   Components	of  his  movement  included  groups  with
overlapping leadership, dedicated to:
   sb|sterilization  of   mental   patients   (``mental   hygiene
societies'');
   sb|execution  of  the insane, criminals and the terminally ill
(``euthanasia societies''); and
   sb|eugenical race-purification  by  prevention  of  births  to
parents    from    inferior   blood   stocks   (``birth   control
societies'').

   Before the Auschwitz death camp became a household word, these
British-American-European   groups   called   openly   for    the
elimination  of  the  ``unfit''  by  means  including  force  and
violence.s1s2
   Ten months later, in June  1933,  Hitler's  interior  minister
Wilhelm Frick spoke to a eugenics meeting in the new Third Reich.
Frick  called  the  Germans  a	``degenerate''	race,  denouncing
one-fifth of Germany's parents	for  producing	``feeble-minded''
and ``defective'' children.  The following month, on a commission
by  Frick,  Dr. Ernst Rudin wrote the ``Law for the Prevention of
Hereditary Diseases in Posterity,'' the sterilization law modeled
on previous U.S. statutes in Virginia and other states.
   Special courts were soon established for the sterilization  of
German mental  patients,  the blind, the deaf, and alcoholics.	A
quarter million  people  in  these  categories	were  sterilized.
Rudin, Ploetz, and their colleagues trained a whole generation of
physicians and psychiatrists--as sterilizers and as killers.
   When   the	war   started,	 the  eugenicists,  doctors,  and
psychiatrists staffed the new ``T4'' agency,  which  planned  and
supervised  the  mass  killings: first at ``euthanasia centers,''
where the  same  categories  which  had  first	been  subject  to
sterilization  were now to be murdered, their brains sent in lots
of 200 to experimental psychiatrists; then at slave camps such as
Auschwitz; and finally, for  Jews  and	other  race  victims,  at
straight  extermination  camps	in  Poland, such as Treblinka and
Belsen.s1s3
   In 1933, as what Hitler called  his	``New  Order''	appeared,
John D.   Rockefeller,	Jr.  appointed	William  S.    Farish the
chairman of Standard Oil Co.  of New Jersey (in 1937 he was  made
president and  chief  executive).    Farish  moved his offices to
Rockefeller Center, New York, where he spent a good deal of  time
with Hermann Schmitz, chairman of I.G. Farben; his company paid a
publicity man,	Ivy  Lee,  to write pro-I.G.  Farben and pro-Nazi
propaganda and get it into the U.S. press.
   Now that he was outside of Texas, Farish found himself in  the
shipping business--like  the  Bush  family.  He hired Nazi German
crews for Standard Oil tankers.  And he hired {Emil  Helfferich,}
chairman  of  the  Walker/Bush/Harriman  Hamburg-Amerika Line, as
chairman also of the Standard Oil Company subsidiary in  Germany.
Karl  Lindemann,  board  member of Hamburg-Amerika, also became a
top Farish-Standard executive in Germany.s1s4
   This interlock between their Nazi German operations put Farish
together with Prescott Bush in	a  small,  select  group  of  men
operating   from  abroad  through  Hitler's  ``revolution,''  and
calculating that they would never be punished.
   In 1939, Farish's daughter Martha married  Averell  Harriman's
nephew, Edward Harriman Gerry, and Farish in-laws became Prescott
Bush's partners at 59 Broadway.s1s5
   Both  Emil  Helfferich  and	Karl Lindemann were authorized to
write checks to Heinrich Himmler, chief of  the  Nazi  SS,  on	a
special Standard  Oil  account.   This account was managed by the
German-British-American banker, Kurt von Schroeder. According  to
U.S.   intelligence  documents reviewed by author Anthony Sutton,
Helfferich continued his payments to the SS into 1944,	when  the
SS  was  supervising  the mass murder at the Standard-I.G. Farben
Auschwitz and  other  death  camps.    Helfferich   told   Allied
interrogators  after  the  war	that  these were not his personal
contributions--they were corporate Standard Oil funds.s1s6
   After  pleading  ``no  contest''  to   charges   of	 criminal
conspiracy  with  the  Nazis,  William	Stamps	Farish	was fined
$5,000. (Similar fines were levied against  Standard  Oil--$5,000
each  for  the parent company and for several subsidiaries.) This
of course did not interfere with the  millions	of  dollars  that
Farish	had acquired in conjunction with Hitler's New Order, as a
large stockholder, chairman, and president of Standard	Oil.  All
the  government  sought  was the use of patents which his company
had given to the Nazis--the Auschwitz patents--but  had  withheld
from the U.S. military and industry.
   But	a  war	was  on, and if young men were to be asked to die
fighting Hitler something more was needed.    Farish  was  hauled
before	the  Senate  committee investigating the national defense
program.  The committee  chairman,  Senator  Harry  Truman,  told
newsmen  before  Farish  testified:  ``I  think  this  approaches
treason.''s1s7
   Farish began breaking apart at these hearings.  He shouted his
``indignation''  at  the  senators,  and  claimed  he	was   not
``disloyal.''
   After  the  March-April hearings ended, more dirt came gushing
out of the Justice Department and  the	Congress  on  Farish  and
Standard  Oil.	Farish	had deceived the U.S. Navy to prevent the
Navy from acquiring certain patents, while supplying them to  the
Nazi  war  machine;  meanwhile,  he  was  supplying  gasoline and
tetraethyl  lead  to  Germany's   submarines   and   air   force.
Communications between Standard and I.G. Farben from the outbreak
of  World  War	II  were  released  to	the  Senate, showing that
Farish's organization had arranged to deceive the U.S. government
into passing over Nazi-owned assets:  They  would  nominally  buy
I.G.'s	share  in  certain  patents because ``in the event of war
between ourselves and Germany ...  it  would  certainly  be  very
undesireable  to  have	this  20 percent Standard-I.G. pass to an
alien property custodian of the U.S. who  might  sell  it  to  an
unfriendly interest.''s1s8
   John  D.  Rockefeller,  Jr. (father of David, Nelson, and John
D.  Rockefeller III), the controlling owner of Standard Oil, told
the  Roosevelt	administration	that  he  knew	nothing  of   the
day-to-day  affairs  of  his company, that all these matters were
handled by Farish and other executives.s1s9
   In August, Farish was brought back for more testimony.  He was
now frequently accused of lying.  Farish was  crushed  under  the
intense, public   grilling;  he  became  morose,  ashen.    While
Prescott Bush escaped publicity when the  government  seized  his
Nazi banking organization in October, Farish had been nailed.  He
collapsed and died of a heart attack on November 29, 1942.
   The Farish family was devastated by the exposure.  Son William
Stamps	Farish,  Jr.,  a  lieutenant  in  the Army Air Force, was
humiliated by the public knowledge that his  father  was  fueling
the enemy's aircraft; he died in a training accident in Texas six
months later.s2s0
   With  this  double  death,  the  fortune  comprising  much  of
Standard Oil's profits from Texas and Nazi Germany was now to  be
settled   upon	 the   little	four-year-old  grandson,  William
(``Will'') Stamps Farish III. Will Farish grew up a recluse,  the
most  secretive  multimillionaire  in  Texas, with investments of
``that money'' in a multitude of foreign countries, and a host of
exotic	contacts  overlapping  the  intelligence  and	financial
worlds--particularly in Britain.
   The Bush-Farish  axis started George Bush's career.	After his
1948 graduation  from  Yale  (and  the	Skull  and  Bones  secret
society),  George  Bush flew down to Texas on a corporate jet and
was employed by his father's Dresser Industries. In a  couple  of
years  he  got	help  from  his  uncle,  George  Walker, Jr., and
Farish's British banker  friends,  to  set  him  up  in  the  oil
property speculation  business.    Soon  thereafter,  George Bush
founded the Zapata Oil Company, which put oil drilling rigs  into
certain   locations   of   great   strategic   interest   to  the
Anglo-American intelligence community.
   Twenty-five-year-old Will Farish was personal aide  to  Zapata
chairman  George  Bush	in  Bush's unsuccessful 1964 campaign for
Senate. Farish used ``that Auschwitz money'' to back George  Bush
financially,  investing  in  Zapata.  When  Bush  was  elected to
Congress in 1966, Farish joined the Zapata board.s2s1
   When George Bush became  U.S.  vice	president  in  1980,  the
Farish	and  Bush family fortunes were again completely, secretly
commingled.  As we shall see, the old  projects  were  now  being
revived on a breathtaking scale.


Bush and Draper

   Twenty years  before  he  was  U.S.	  President,  George Bush
brought  two  ``race-science''	professors  in	 front	 of   the
Republican  Task  Force  on  Earth  Resources  and Population. As
chairman  of  the  Task  Force,  then-Congressman  Bush   invited
Professors  William  Shockley and Arthur Jensen to explain to the
committee how allegedly runaway birth-rates for African-Americans
were ``down-breeding'' the American population.
   Afterwards, Bush personally summed up  for  the  Congress  the
testimony  his	black-inferiority advocates had given to the Task
Force.s2s2 George Bush held his hearings on the threat	posed  by
black  babies on August 5, 1969, while much of the world was in a
better frame of mind--celebrating  mankind's  progress	from  the
first moon landing 16 days earlier.  Bush's obsessive thinking on
this  subject  was guided by his family's friend, Gen. William H.
Draper, Jr., the founder and chairman of  the  Population  Crisis
Committee,   and   vice   chairman   of  the  Planned  Parenthood
Federation. Draper had long been steering U.S. public  discussion
about the so-called ``population bomb'' in the non-white areas of
the world.
   If  Congressman  Bush had explained to his colleagues {how his
family had come to know General Draper,} they would perhaps  have
felt  some  alarm, or even panic, and paid more healthy attention
to Bush's   presentation.      Unfortunately,	the   Draper-Bush
population doctrine is now official U.S. foreign policy.
   William  H. Draper, Jr. had joined the Bush team in 1927, when
he was hired by Dillon Read & Co., New York  investment  bankers.
Draper	was  put  into	a  new job slot at the firm: handling the
Thyssen account.
   We recall that in 1924, Fritz Thyssen set up his Union Banking
Corporation in George  Herbert	Walker's  bank	at  39	Broadway,
Manhattan.  Dillon  Read & Co.'s boss, Clarence Dillon, had begun
working with Fritz Thyssen some time after Averell Harriman first
met with Thyssen--at about the time Thyssen began financing Adolf
Hitler's political career.
   In January 1926, Dillon Read created the  {German  Credit  and
Investment   Corporation}  in  Newark,	New  Jersey  and  Berlin,
Germany, as Thyssen's short-term banker.  That same year,  Dillon
Read  created  the  {Vereinigte Stahlwerke} (German Steel Trust),
incorporating the Thyssen family interests under the direction of
New York and London finance.s2s3
   William H. Draper, Jr. was made director, vice president,  and
assistant treasurer of the German Credit and Investment Corp. His
business was short-term loans and financial management tricks for
Thyssen  and  the  German Steel Trust. Draper's clients sponsored
Hitler's terroristic takeover; his clients led the buildup of the
Nazi war industry;  his  clients  made	war  against  the  United
States. The Nazis were Draper's direct partners in Berlin and New
Jersey:  Alexander  Kreuter,  residing	in Berlin, was president;
Frederic Brandi, whose father was a top  coal  executive  in  the
German Steel Trust, moved to the United States in 1926 and served
as Draper's co-director in Newark.
   Draper's  role  was	crucial  for  Dillon Read & Co., for whom
Draper was a partner and eventually vice president.   The  German
Credit	and  Investment  Corp.	(GCI)  was a ``front'' for Dillon
Read: It had the same New Jersey address as U.S. &  International
Securities  Corp. (USIS), and the same man served as treasurer of
both firms.s2s4
   Clarence Dillon and his son C.  Douglas Dillon were	directors
of  USIS,  which  was spotlighted when Clarence Dillon was hauled
before the Senate Banking Committee's famous ``Pecora''  hearings
in  1933.  USIS  was  shown  to  be  one of the great speculative
pyramid schemes which had swindled stockholders  of  hundreds  of
millions of  dollars.	 These investment policies had rotted the
U.S. economy to the core, and led to the Great Depression of  the
1930s.
   But	 William   H.	Draper,   Jr.'s  GCI  ``front''  was  not
{apparently} affiliated with the USIS ``front'' or  with  Dillon,
and the  GCI  escaped  the  congressmen's limited scrutiny.  This
oversight was to prove most unfortunate, particularly to  the  50
million people who subsequently died in World War II.
   Dillon  Read  hired	public	relations  man Ivy Lee to prepare
their executives for their testimony and to confuse  and  further
baffle	the  congressmen.s2s5 Lee apparently took enough time out
from his duties as image-maker for William S. Farish and the Nazi
I.G.  Farben Co.; he managed the congressional thinking  so  that
the   congressmen   did  not  disturb  the  Draper  operation  in
Germany--and did not  meddle  with  Thyssen,  or  interfere  with
Hitler's U.S. moneymen.
   Thus,  in  1932, Willam H. Draper, Jr. was free to finance the
International Eugenics Congress as a  ``Supporting  Member.''s2s6
Was he	using  his  own income as a Thyssen trust banker?  Or did
the funds come from Dillon Read corporate accounts, perhaps to be
written off income tax as ``expenses  for  German  project:  race
purification''?  Draper helped select Ernst Rudin as chief of the
world  eugenics  movement, who used his office to promote what he
called Adolf Hitler's ``holy, national and  international  racial
hygienic mission.''s2s7
   W.S.  Farish  was  publicly	exposed  in  1942, humiliated and
destroyed.  Just before Farish died, Prescott Bush's Nazi banking
office was quietly seized and shut down.   But	Prescott's  close
friend	and  partner  in  the Thyssen-Hitler business, William H.
Draper, Jr., {neither died nor	moved  out  of	German	affairs.}
Draper	listed	himself  as  a	director of the German Credit and
Investment Corp. through 1942, and the firm  was  not  liquidated
until November	1943.s2s8  But	a  war was on.	Draper, a colonel
from previous military service, went off to the  Pacific  theater
and became a general.
   General  Draper  apparently	had  a	hobby:	magic--illusions,
sleight of hand, etc.--and he was a  member  of  the  Society  of
American  Magicians.  This  is	not  irrelevant to his subsequent
career.
   The Nazi regime surrendered in May 1945. In July 1945, General
Draper was called to Europe by the American  military  government
authorities   in  Germany.  Draper  was  appointed  head  of  the
Economics Division of  the  U.S.    Control  Commission.  He  was
assigned to  take  apart the Nazi corporate cartels.  There is an
astonishing but perfectly logical rationale to this--Draper  knew
a lot  about the subject!  General Draper, who had spent about 15
years  financing  and  managing  the   dirtiest   of   the   Nazi
enterprises,  was  now authorized to decide {who was exposed, who
lost and who kept his business, and in practical effect, who  was
prosecuted for war crimes.}s2s9
   (Draper   was   not	 unique  within  the  postwar  occupation
government.  Consider the case of John J. McCloy, U.S.	 Military
Governor  and  High  Commissioner  of  Germany,  1949-1952. Under
instructions from his Wall Street law firm, McCloy had lived  for
a  year in Italy, serving as an adviser to the fascist government
of Benito  Mussolini.	  An   intimate   collaborator	 of   the
Harriman/Bush  bank,  McCloy had sat in Adolf Hitler's box at the
1936  Olympic  games  in  Berlin,  at  the  invitation	of   Nazi
chieftains Rudolf Hess and Hermann Goering.)s3s0

   William H. Draper, Jr., as a ``conservative,'' was paired with
the  ``liberal''  U.S.	Treasury  Secretary Henry Morgenthau in a
vicious game.	 Morgenthau  demanded  that  Germany  be  utterly
destroyed  as a nation, that its industry be dismantled and it be
reduced to a purely rural country.  As the economic boss in  1945
and  1946,  Draper ``protected'' Germany from the Morgenthau Plan
... but at a price.
   Draper and his colleagues demanded that Germany and the  world
accept	the  {collective  guilt  of  the  German  people} as {the
}explanation for the rise of Hitler's New Order, and the Nazi war
crimes.  This, of  course,  was  rather  convenient  for  General
Draper himself,  as  it  was  for  the	Bush family.  It is still
convenient decades  later,  allowing  Prescott's  son,	President
Bush,  to lecture Germany on the danger of Hitlerism. Germans are
too slow, it seems, to accept his New World Order.
   After several  years  of  government  service  (often  working
directly  for  Averell	Harriman in the North Atlantic Alliance),
Draper was appointed in 1958 chairman of a committee which was to
advise President Dwight Eisenhower on the proper course for  U.S.
military aid to other countries.  At that time, Prescott Bush was
a  U.S.  senator from Connecticut, a confidential friend and golf
partner with National  Security  Director  Gordon  Gray,  and  an
important   golf   partner   with   Dwight  Eisenhower	as  well.
Prescott's old lawyer from the Nazi days, John Foster Dulles, was
Secretary of State, and his brother Allen Dulles, formerly of the
Schroder bank, was head of the CIA.
   This friendly en